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CRIMINOLOGY. 


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CRIMINOLOGY 

BV 

ARTHUR  MAC  DONALD 

Specialist  in  Education  as  Related  to  the  Abnormal  and  Weakling 
Classes,  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Education;  Member  of  the  Medico- 
Legal    Society,    New    York,  and  the   Anthropological 
Society,  Washington,   D.   C,  and  U.  S.   Delegate 
to    the  International  Congress  of  Criminal 
Anthropology   at    Brussels,    i8q2 

•'.     \  ".        ■     '   j 

WJTH  an  introduction 

BT 

.-.  DR.  CESARfc'  LO'MBROSO 

Prcfes*er  of  Legal  Medicine  at  the  University  nf  Turin,  Italy 
FOURTH     EDITION 

PRINTED  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES 


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.   -     ,  >    , 


Vita  Auctoris. 


University  of  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  A.  B.,  1879 ;  A.  M.,  1883. 

Student  of  law,  1879-1880. 

Union  Theological  Seminary,  N.  Y.  City,  graduated 
in  1883. 

Harvard  University,  Post-Graduate  Courses,  in  Phi- 
losophy, Metaphysics,  and  Theology,  1883-1885. 

Johns  Hopkins  University,  appointed  ''Fellow  in 
Psychology,"  1885. 


EuropeanStudy  ,  1885*1888  :       ... 
University  of  Berlin;  MJedicine  and  •Experimental 

.M^djfine.*.      •   •»•    •»•*  •     .      .; 

University  of  J»ddzig,  Psycho-Phys*ics  ajjd  Medicfpe. 
•  Tjr4i\i«-sity  01  Paris,  Clinical  and  Experime'n'aJ  M«di-  < 
•  j^  cthe.  .*     .. 

Universities  gf  Zurfth  and  \ipnqa.,  Insaflity,  Hypnij. 
tism,  and  Criminology.  .  .*  •  •        • 


United  States'  Bare^u  oY  Eftulcatton^pectyliSt  in  Ed- 
ucation as  related  to  the  At  norma  1  and  Weak- 
ling Classes,  1892. 


Copyright,  1892,  by  the 

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THE 
FOUNDER  OF  0RIMIN010QV 


307016 


INTRODUCTION. 


BY   PROF.    CESARE   LOMBROSO,   OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF 
TURIN,    ITALY 

It  is  well  that  the  problem  of  the  science  of  crim- 
inal anthropology  has  been  attacked  from  its 
most  important  side,  that  of  the  type.  When  this 
problem  is~once  resolved,,  it  will  no  longer  be  pos- 
sible to  deny  the  organicity  of  crime,  its  anatomical 
nature  and  degenerative  source;  and  then  all  the 
new  reforms,  such  as  institutions  for  incorrigible 
and  insane  criminals,  will  become  a  necessity. 

This  point,  as  to  the  type,  is  scarcely  recognized, 
even  by  the  most  respectable  savants.  The  reasons 
for  this  are  many:  Above  all,  there  are  the  crimi- 
nals by  occasion  or  by  passion,  who  do  not  belong 
to  the  type,  and  should  not,  for  in  great  part  it  is 
the  circumstances,  and  often  the  laws  even,  which 
make  them  criminals,  and  not  nature.  And  then 
some  have  strange  ideas  concerning  the  criminal 
type. 

No  doubt  if  the  acceptation  of  the  idea  of  type 
is  carried  out  in  its  complete  universality,  it  cannot 
be  accepted;  but  I  have  already  said  in  my  previous 


Vlll  CRIMINOLOGY. 

writings  that  it  is  necessary  to  receive  this 
idea  with  the  same  reserve  with  which  one 
appreciates  averages  in  statistics.  When  it  is 
said  that  the  average  of  life  is  32  years,  and  that 
the  month  least  fatal  to  life  is  December,  no  one 
understands  by  this  that  all,  or  almost  all,  men 
should  die  at  32  years,  and  in  the  month  of  Decem- 
ber; but  I  am  not  the  only  one  to  make  this  restric- 
tion. In  order  to  show  this,  I  have  only  to  cite 
the  definitions  which  Monsieur  Topinard,  himself 
the  most  inveterate  of  my  adversaries,  gives  in  his 
remarkable  work.  "  The  type,"  says  Gratiolet,  is  a 
"  synthetic  impression."  "  The  type,"  says  Goethe, 
is  "  the  abstract  and  general  image,"  which  we  de- 
duce from  the  observation  of  common  parts  and 
from  differences.  "  The  type  of  a  species,"  adds 
Isidorus  G.  Saint-Hilaire,  "  never  appears  before 
our  eyes,  but  is  perceived  only  by  the  mind." 
11  Human  types,"  writes  Broca,  "  have  no  real  exist- 
ence, they  are  abstract  conceptions,  ideals,  which 
come  from  the  comparison  of  ethnic  varieties,  and 
are  composed  of  an  ensemble  of  characters  common 
to  a  certain  number  among  themselves." 

I  agree  fully  with  these  different  points  of  view. 
The  type  is  indeed  an  ensemble  of  traits,  but  in  re- 
lation to  a  group, which  it  characterizes,  it  is  also  the 
ensemble  of  its  most  prominent  traits,  and  those 
repeating  themselves  the  most  often,  whence  comes 
a  series  of  consequences  which  the  anthropologist 
should  never  lose  sight  of  either  in  his  laboratory 
or  in  the  midst  of  the  populations  of  Central 
Africa. 


INTRODUCTION.  IX 

Isidorus  G.  Saint-Hilaire  says  the  type  is  a  sort 
of  fixed  point  and  a  common  center,  about  which 
the  differences  presented  are  deviations  in  a  diverse 
sense  and  indefinite  and  varied  oscillations — a 
point  about  which  nature  seems  to  play,  as  an- 
atomists used  to  say,  and  as  is  said  still  in  the 
Germanic  languages. 

An  example  seems  useless  after  a  picture  so  per- 
fect. Take,  however,  a  series  of  skulls,  a  certain 
one  in  a  good  condition  of  homogeneity,  such  as, 
for  example,  the  first  series  of  Auvergnat,  which 
was  studied  by  Broca.  This  series  came  from  an 
old  mountain  cemetery,  in  a  separated  locality, 
reminding  us  once  for  all  that  the  skulls  represent 
individuals,  with  this  advantage,  that  one  can 
handle  them  at  will  and  measure  and  arrange  them 
at  his  ease. 

Sometimes  there  are  less  generic  reasons  which 
produce  skepticism  concerning  the  type  ;  and  this 
is  ignorance  of  what  the  type  is  really.  Thus,  it  is 
very  strange  to  see  Joly,  in  his  "  Young  Prisoners," 
give  the  portraits  of  the  chief  ones,  which  illus- 
trate the  most  complete  type,  and  after  this  deny 
the  type.  Likewise  Magnan  ("  Actes  du  Congres 
d'Anthropologie  Criminelle  de  Paris")  presents  two 
portraits  of  seven  with  the  most  complete  criminal 
type,  and  yet  he  denies  its  existence.  Now,  he  is 
certainly  acting  in  good  faith,  otherwise  he  would 
not  have  presented  a  document  which  contradicts 
his  assertions.  It  is  evident  that  he  is  in  error  as 
to  what  the  type  is.  The  same  is  the  case  with 
Manouvrier,  who  denied  the  median  occipital  fossa, 


X  CRIMINOLOGY. 

in  believing  that  it  was  a  really  nutritive  depres- 
sion. I  am  glad,  however,  that  the  subject  is 
treated  in  North  America,  where  our  school  has 
taken  such  deep  root,  and  has  already  found  prac- 
tical applications,  as  at  Elmira.  And  thus,  if  the 
new  ideas  originating  in  the  Old  World  shall  die 
there,  sterilized  by  the  neglect,  not  of  him  who 
created  them,  but  of  him  who  does  not  compre- 
hend them,  and  shall  find  in  the  New  World  those 
who  will  perpetuate  them  by  fertilizing  and  apply- 
ing them,  so  the  grape,  the  fruit  of  the  vine,  the  first 
consolation,  and  the  first  sin  of  the  Asiatic  patriarch 
will  commence  to  return  to  us  from  the  New 
World  modified  and  improved. 


PREFACE   TO  SECOND  EDITION. 


In  the  first  edition  of  this  work,  issued  some 
three  months  ago,  a  full  statement  of  the  purpose 
of  the  author  was  not  made.  A  few  of  the  criti- 
cisms seem  to  indicate  some  misapprehensions. 

The  purpose  in  the  general  part  is  to  give  the 
most  trustworthy  opinions  and  the  results  of  original 
investigations.  In  a  subject  of  such  recent  develop- 
ment it  would  be  premature  to  introduce  a  system 
or  theory  of  criminology,  or  to  enter  into  the 
philosophy  of  crime  or  any  form  of  criminological 
polemics.  There  is,  therefore,  no  defined  theory 
advocated.  Many  problems,  including  that  of  the 
criminal  "  type,"  are  not  considered  by  the  author. 
In  a  strict  sense,  criminology  is,  of  course,  not  yet 
a  science  any  more  than  sociology  is ;  but  it  may 
prove  to  be  an  important  step  in  the  direction  of  a 
scientific  study  of  humanity  ;  for  investigations  of 
normal  humanity  with  scientific  instruments  and 
methods  can  best  begin  in  prison.  At  least  half  of 
the  prisoners  are  as  normal  as  persons  outside,  and 
they  are  much  easier  reached  and  much  more 
likely  to  confess  truths  that  individuals  in  free  life 
would  conceal. 

The  chapter  on  criminal  hypnotism  is  an  en- 
deavor to  present  the  actual  state  of  the  question, 
which,  as  might  be  expected,  is  indefinite,  some- 


2  CRIMINOLOGY. 

times  contradictory,  and  generally  unsatisfactory. 
The  author  has,  however,  leaned  more  toward  the 
Nancy  than  the  Charcot  school.  The  latter  at 
first  denied  that  normal  people  could  be  hypno- 
tized ;  but  it  gradually  receded  for  this  position. 
At  present  it  seems  to  deny  criminal  hypnotism  ; 
but  such  denial  does  not  come  from  those  who 
have  made  extensive  experiments  on  the  crimino- 
logical side.  The  author  may  be  allowed  to  state 
that  his  impressions  have  been  formed  by  a  per- 
sonal attendance  on  the  courses  and  experiments 
of  leading  investigators  in  both  schools. 

In  Part  II.,  description  of  the  individual  and  his 
patho-social  surroundings  has  been  the  main  ob- 
ject. Whether  any  such  study  will  solve  any 
problems  is  more  important  practically  than 
scientifically.;  yet  it  is  a  general  scientific  belief  , 
that  truth  is  always  practical,  and  that  it  is  the 
most  direct  method  of  solving  problems,  if  such  be 
possible  with  the  inadequate  knowledge  at  present 
attainable. 

A  complete  study  of  a  criminal  would  include 
his  history,  genealogy,  and  all  the  particulars  con- 
cerning himself  and  his  surroundings  previous  to 
and  during  his  criminal  act ;  also  a  study  of  him 
in  the  psycho-physical  sense,  that  is,  experiments 
upon  his  mind  and  body  with  instruments  of  pre- 
cision, measuring,  for  example,  his  thought-time, 
senses  of  sight,  hearing,  touch,  taste,  smell,  press- 
ure, heat,  cold,  etc.;  also  an  examination  of  his 
organs  after  death,  especially  of  his  brain.  It 
is  evident  that  no  one  person  could  make  an  ade- 


PREFACE  TO  SECOND  EDITION,  3 

quate  study  of  a  criminal.  The  histology  of  the 
brain  alone  with  its  physiology  is  more  than  the 
life-work  of  many  men  could  accomplish.  Thus, 
criminology  must  depend  for  its  advancement 
upon  the  work  of  numerous  specialists.  Scientific 
research  in  nervous  diseases  and  in  insanity  has 
taken  but  a  few  steps  ;  yet  the  close  relation  of 
crime  to  these  conditions  is  well  known. 

Critics  who  expect  definite  conclusions  in  crimi- 
/nology  reveal  their  ignorance  of  the  extent  of  the 
subject.  It  is  an  initiatory  step  in  the  experimental 
study  of  individuals  themselves  and  their  exact 
relations  to  their  surroundings.  It  is  the  physio- 
logical side  of  social  disease  as  well  as  the  ana- 
tomical. Both  a  practical  and  scientific  value  of 
criminology  may  consist  in  showing  more  clearly 
what  normal  society  is  or  ought  to  be  ;  just  as 
the  study  of  insanity  by  contrast  gives  an  insight 
into  mental  health. 

The  growing  interest  in  criminology,  and  espe- 
cially in  social  science,  or,  more  exactly,  social 
pathology,  should  encourage  all  serious  students 
to  undertake  the  investigation  of  the  many  vital 
questions  that  lie  directly  before  them. 

Chapter  I.  has  been  interpreted  by  some  as 
materialistic.  The  author  may  state  that  he  does 
not  belong  to  that  school  of  philosophy  and  was 
not  aware  that  such  an  interpretation  would  be  put 
upon  his  words. 

Washington,  D.  C. 
April,  1893. 


PREFACE. 


In  Part  I.  the  results  of  the  researches  of  others 
mainly  have  been  given.  Part  II.  consists  of  indi- 
vidual and  typical  cases  personally  studied  by  the 
author  in  penal  and  reformatory  institutions  of 
America.  The  "  type  "  has  been  considered  from 
the  psychological  rather  than  the  physical  side. 
The  author  takes  great  pleasure  in  acknowledging 
his  indebtedness  first,  and  most  of  all,  to  Lombroso 
for  his  epoch-making  work, — "  L'Homme  Crim- 
inel."  Much  assistance  has  also  been  derived  from 
Dr.  Corre's  excellent  treatise,  "  Les  Criminels,"  and 
some  of  the  writings  of  the  following  authors  have 
been  freely  consulted:  Bernheim,  von  Krafft-Ebing, 
Aubry,  Jilles  de  la  Tourette,  Laurent,  von  Holder, 
Benedikt,  and  Tenchini.  The  author,  too,  was 
kindly  offered  every  assistance  by  those  in  charge 
of  the  institutions  in  which  special  cases  were 
studied;  and  he  takes  great  pleasure  in  acknowl- 
edging the  same.  He  was  also  permitted  to  be 
locked  up  with  certain  criminals  whom  it  was 
considered  dangerous  to  allow  out  of  their  cells. 
The  endeavor  has  been  to  follow  scientific  methods. 


6  PREFACE. 

All  personal  names  in  the  cases  studied,  and  most 
of  the  names  of  places,  have  been  omitted. 

The  first  portion  of  the  bibliography  (Part  III.) 
is  divided  according  to  languages.  The  English 
works  treat  more  of  the  practical  side  of  crim- 
inology. 

The  second  portion,  much  of  which  is  taken  from 
Ferri's  recent  work,  "Sociologia  Criminale,"  is 
arranged  under  special  heads,  and  refers  more 
directly  to  the  scientific  side  of  criminology. 

Washington,  D.  C, 
December,  1892. 


CONTENTS. 


Introduction — By  Prof.  Cesare  Lombroso. 

FAGXS. 

Criminal  type — Type  scarcely  recognized — Reasons 
— Criminals  by  occasion  not  belonging  to  type — 
Strange  ideas  of  type — Idea  of  type  limited — Defi- 
nitions of  Gratiolet,  Goethe,  Saint-Hilaire,  and 
Broca — Type  an  ensemble  of  prominent  traits — 
Skulls  easily  arranged  — Joly's  inconsistency  — 
Error  of  Magnan  and  Manouvrier — Deep  root  of 
school  in  America — Ideas  to  return  to  Europe 
modified  and  improved vii-x, 

Preface 5-6 

Preface  to  Second  Edition 1-3 

PART   I.— GENERAL  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Chapter  I. — The  Evoty^foN  of  Crime. 

Absolute  impartiality  impossible — Descriptive  meth- 
od in  science — Embryology  of  crime — Phenomena 
closely  allied — Taking  of  life  in  war  patriotic — 
Nature  a  synthetic  whole — Lower  realms  explain 
higher — Acts  of  nature  cruel — Equivalents  of 
murder — Dependence  on  histological  conditions — 
Equivalents  of  crime,  increase  from  vegetable  to> 
animal —  Cannibalism —  Infanticide  —  Irresistible 
impulse — Influence  of  weather  on  animals — Theft 
among  animals— Species  of  kleptomania — In- 
fluence of  alcohol  on  animals — Swindling  and 
deceit  of  animals — Meanness — Sense  of  property 
— Punishment  of  animals — Prehistoric  races — 
Man's  progress  slow — Crime  the  rule — Philologi- 


CRIMINOLOGY. 

PACKS. 

cal  evidence — Excessive  increase  of  population — 
Homicides  ordained  by  religion — Abortion  com- 
mon— Ancient  Mexican  aristocracy — The  New 
Caledonians — Custom  in  Sweden,  New  Zealand, 
etc.  —  Celebrity  of  assassins  —  Idea  of  property 
wanting — Crime  from  point  of  view  of  savage — 
Natural  conservatism  —  Greatest  of  crimes  — 
Brahmins,  Arabs,  Abyssinians — Rudimentary  jus- 
tice—  Increase  of  despotism  —  Theft  a  serious 
crime — Murder  a  secondary  offense — Duels  first 
legal  forms  of  punishment  —  Compensation  for 
vengeance — Power  of  chiefs  increased — Muscular 
force  not  sufficient — Germs  of  crime  in  infancy — 
Frequency  of  anger  in  children — Ways  of  mani- 
festation —  Children's  lying,  love,  cruelty,  and 
murder — Impure/origin  of  justice — Vengeance — 
Lynch  law — Extreme  egotism  of  man. — War 17—35 

Chapt^rHL^-The  Physical  Side  of  the 
Criminal. 

Meaxffements  of  children — Anomalies — Physically 
defective — Criminal  children — Effect  of  education 
— Minors,  normal  and  criminal — Adults — Weight 
— Health  of  different  classes  of  criminals — Physi- 
ognomy— First  impressions — Classification  of  ex- 
pressions— Ethnic  type — Murderers,  thieves,  ped- 
erasts, swindlers,  forgers,  etc. — Hair — Eye — Physi- 
ognomical type  —  Illustrative  proverbs — Facial 
muscles — Difficult  to  distinguish  recidivists — Tat- 
tooing of  sailors,  prostitutes,  soldiers — Causes  of 
tattooing  —  Craniology  —  Comparative  study  — 
Cranial  capacity  and  intelligence — Weight  of 
cranium — Semi-horizontal  circumference — Auric- 
ular angles,  table  —  Curves  —  Cephalic  index — 
Brachycephalic  most  common  —  Vertical  and 
frontal  indices — Corre's  results — Cranial  anom- 
alies, table  of  asymmetry  —  Surroundings  and 
heredity  —  Skeleton  and  members  —  Homicides, 
violators,  thieves,  assassins,  idiots — Cerebrology — 
Comparative  brain  weight — Anomalies — Conclu- 
sion— Inadequacy  of  present  knowledge — Recip- 
rocal influence  of  brain  and  cranium — Pathology — 


CONTENTS.  5 

PAGBS. 


Regularity  of  prison  life  favorable — Feeble  health 
in  thieves — Premature  senility,  agitated  life — 
Mortality,  table — Prostitution — Pathological  anat- 
omy, table — Valvular  insufficiency — Liver  and 
stomach 36-69 


Chapter  III.— ^Psychology  of  Criminals. 


General  sensibility  less — Meteoric  sensibility  greater 
~ — sight,  healing — Left-haucreduess-— Anomalies  of 
mobility  —  Blushing  —  Sphygmbgraphy,  vascular 
reaction  cases — Violators'  feeble  reflexes — Lon- 
gevity of  criming— Effects  of  insensibility — 
Moral  as  great  as  physical  —  Peculiar  acts  of 
criminals — Sentiments — Instability  always  present 
— Vanity,  extreme  cases — Vengeance  —  Cruelty 
and  sexuality,  lust-murders — Wine  and  gambling 
— Other  tendencies,  fast  life — Crime  and  insanity 
— Sensibility  and  passions,  savagery,  impetuosity 
— Vulnerability,  analgesia  —  Conduct  at  execu- 
tions, fainting,  defiant,  loquacious  —  Suicide  — 
Soldiers — Religion  of  criminals — Glaring  contra- 
dictions      70-96 

^v.  ^*> — \ 

Chaptxr^IV. — Intelligence  of  Criminals. 


Below, the  average^Lacenaire's  testimony — Cred- 
ulousness,  levity,  lack  of  foresight — Specialists 
in  crime — Superstitions — Poisoners,  species  of 
thieves,  assassins — Idlers  and  vagrants — Crimin- 
als of  genius — Crime  rare  among  scientists  and 
mathematicians — Education  and  crime — Poets 
and  artists — Per  cent,  of  education  in  France, 
Austria,  Italy — Compared  with  insane — Slang — 
Insight  into  criminal  mind — Objects  by  attributes, 
phonetic  disguise — Many  synonyms  for  guards, 
drunkenness,  money — Few  ideas  of  criminals — 
Cyiminal  hieroglyphics  and  signatures — In  Naples 
and  Sicily — Two  groups — Writing  of  the  insane, 
points  over  letters — Literature  of  criminals — ► 
The  ancients — Descriptions  of  species  of  swin- 
dlers and  vagabonds — Product  of  leisure  hours — 
Old    friends  in  prison  —  ^Esthetical   feeling  — 


10  CRIMINOLOGY. 

PAOBt. 

"  Tiravallura  "—Criminal  maxims — Songs  of  ven- 
geance— Lacenaire,  "To  my  Love" — Bad  influ- 
ence of  prison — Novice  blushes — First  step  taken 
— Bad  passions — Literary  miasma — Productions 
of  the  insane ..j^w^tt 97-118 

ChAPTER^^— ^ASSOCIATIONS  _OF   CRIMINALS. 

Criminality  strengthened — Savage  tendencies  de- 
veloped— Vanity — Constant  purpose — Sex — Char- 
acter of  association — Division  of  labor — Criminal 
idea  of  punishment — Method  of  trial — Aid  of 
women — Feigning  epileptic  fit — The  Camorra — 
Hierarchy — Aspirants  for  candidacy — Enemy  of 
authority — Exposure  of  life — Banquet — The  "  Si " 
— Distribution  of  "la  Camorra" — Extortions — The 
tenth  part — The  poor  suffer — Death  penalty/ — 
Determination  of  guilt — Certainty  of  punishment 
— The  Maffia — Word — Variety  of  Camorrists — 
Keeping  secrets — Origin  of  Maffia — Code — Pro- 
tection of  the  rich — Vengeance — Anarchy — 
Thieves  and  assassins — Argot — "  Picciotti "  — 
Avoiding  detection — Whjwrtouse  arms 1 19-128 

Chapter  VI. — Criminal  Contagion. 

Reformation — Testimony  of  Lacenaire — Contagion 
from  the  press — Cases — Tropman — Reading  of 
novels — Significant  confession — Finer  sensibili- 
ties hardened — Weaklings  affected — Contagion 
by  vitriol  or  revolver — Women — Seduction  and 
abandonment — Approval  of  the  crowd — False 
heroine — Poisoning  less  employed — Progress  of 
science*.. 129-135 

Chapter  VII. — Criminal  Hypnotism. 

Violation — Lethargic  state — Semblence  of  voluntary 
action  —  Memory  confused  —  Simulation  —  Som- 
nambulism— Doubtful  offenses — Opinion  of  Jilles 
de  la  Tourette — Experimental  cases — Post-hyp- 
notic states — Charcot's  case — Subject  to  hypno- 
tism —  Danger  to  hypnotiser  —  Hysterical  per- 
sons— Sterno-mastoid  muscle — Analogue  states — 


CONTENTS.  II 

PAGES. 

Irresistible  force — Experiment  of  Li^gois — False 
testimony  through  fear — Precautions  —  Duty  of 
magistrate — Danger  of  suggesting  to  witness- 
Determination  of  suggestibility — Criminal  sug- 
gestions— Cases  of  Bernheim — Influence  of  hyp- 
nosis— Indirect  influence  on  other  patients — Expla- 
nation of  noted  case — Chambige — Subconscious 
state  in  love — Suggestion,  passion  irresistible — 
Idio-dynamic  automatism — Case  of  young  lady 
and  physician — Confession  of  love  during  som- 
nambulism— Suspicious  pregnancy — Case  of  sug- 
gestible lawyer — Double  personality — Past  exist- 
ence forgotten — Arrested  for  swindling — Normal 
persons  at  times  capricious — All  degrees  of  trans- 
formation— The  rdle  of  suggestion  in  morality — 
Greatest  criminals  not  always  most  guilty — Case 
of  Laurent — Krafft-Ebing's  case  of  theft — Auto 
and  experimental  hypnosis — Case  of  romance — 
Simulated  hypnotism „ ..136-154 

Chapter  \TlH«=-R£eiD]VATiON. 


Crime  a  profession — Reformation  rare — Prison  or 
asylum  —  Defective  prison  discipline  deepens 
criminality — False  names,  coarseness,  audacious 
plots— Necessity  of  severe  punishment — First  stage 
of  insanity — Alcoholics  seldom  thieves — Persecu- 
tive  hallucinations — Von  HSlder's  classification — 
Crime  and  insanity,  distorted  manifestations  of 
mind — Criminal  inclinations  common — Civilization 
and  recidivation  increase — Statistics  in  Belgium, 
Prussia,  Austria,  France — Persistency  of  habitual 
crime  —  Criminal  purposes — Prostitutes  seldom 
reform — Cellular  system  in  Prussia,  Belgium, 
France — Legal  notions  of  crime  —  Increase  of 
crime  in  young — Moral  sense — Point  of  view  of 
criminals — Moral  sense  feeble — Feelings  of  crimi- 
nals— Idea  of  honor — Deep  remorse  a  myth — 
Table — Confession  to  justify — Lacenaire — Confes- 
sion of  the  Marquise  of  Brinvilles — Inconstancy  and 
voluptuousness  —  moral  metamorphosis — Crimi- 
nals' arguments — Two  kinds  of  justice,  natural 
and  artificial — Thieves'  meeting  in  London — Divi- 
sion of  booty — Mutual  jealousy 155-166 


12  CRIMINOLOGY. 

PACES, 

PART  II.— SPECIAL  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Method  (^Investigation. 

Details — Insight  into  typical  cases — Repetition  the 
rule — Value  of  single  cases — Visiting  reformato- 
ries— Pure  theft,  murder  and  meanness — The 
worst  cases — Prison  environment  known — Signifi- 
cance of  complaints — Order  of  procedure — Pre- 
vious knowledge  of  prisoner  important — Method 
of  interview — Abnormal  cases — Each  case  pre- 
sented so  as  to  leave  reader  independent — Im- 
portance of  slight  offenses  —  Knowledge  about 
prisoners  after  leaving  prison — Advancement — In- 
stitutions useful  to  society  for  study — Knowledge 
of  causes'  first  step — Degree  of  cure  important — 
Exact  knowledge  rare — Ne^ed  of  exact  methods — 
PsychoSgy  of  criminaKat  moment  of  crime  im- 
portant—Be^inningyeft  scientific  sociology 169-173 

'ure  Murder.    Case  "A." 

Characteristics  of  murderers — Heredity — Cause  of 
murder^Unconscious  of  repulsion — Cases — Hero- 
ism and  ferocity — Autobiography  of  "  A  " — Evil 
home  surroundings — Drunken  father — Teasing  of 
animals — Tendency  to  kill  animals — Roving  in- 
stinct— Interest  in  seeing  things — Stoning  of  old 
lady — History  of  "  A,"  from  records  of  institution 
— Family  very  poor — Facts  confirmatory  of  auto- 
biography— Weight,  height,  etc. — Previous  edu- 
cation— Complaints  against  "  A  " — Making  dis- 
turbance, doing  poor  work — Stealing — Assaulting 
with  knife — Punishment — Release  from  institution 
— Testimony  of  officers;  disagreeable  to  boys, 
strikes  them;  does  not  care  how  he  works — 
Attempt  at  suicide — Good  scholar — No  me- 
chanical ability — Not  vicious,  not  hilarious — 
Has  spells,  and  stares — Sometimes  silly — Not  with 
other  boys  much — Hardly  knows  what  he  does 
when  excited — Bright  and  bad— Letter  of  "A" 
— Testimony  of  farmer — Examination  of  "  A  " — 
Idea  of  his  home—His  account  of  stoning  old 


CONTENTS.  13 

PACKS. 

woman — Anger — Idea  of  retaliation — Cruelty — 
Dizzy  feeling.  Lack  of  self-control — Intended  to 
murder — Did  not  feel  to  blame — Attempt  at  Sui- 
cide— Physiological  examination — Craniology — 
Conclusion :  not  epileptic — Want  of  repulsion  to 
taking  life — Allowed  freedom  too  soon 174-203 

Chapter/II. — Pure  Theft. 

Idea  of  theft — Incorrigibility — Liberality  and  popu- 
larity— Case  "  B,"-/history — Father  intemperate — 
Previous  arrests — Complaints — General  disorder 
— Burglarizing — Insubordination — Filthy  habits — 
Impudence — Generally  pleads  guilty — Testimony 
of  officers — Good  at  trade,  bad  in  school — A  good 
soldier — Proud  of  knowledge  of  evil— Indomitable 
will — Sincere  in  religious  desires — Behavior  dur- 
ing punishment — Seldom  cries — Interview  with 
"  B  " — Not  talkative — State  when  very  young — 
Father  whipped  him — Results  unfavorable — Phy- 
sical and  craniological  examination — Asymmetry 
of  head — Conclusion — Strong  passion  for  stealing 
— Hereditary  influences — Reformation  doubtful — 
Case  "  C  " — Records  of  institution — Antecedents 
— Good  family — Conduct  report — General  willful 
disobedience — School  record — Letters — Signing 
false  name — Forged  check — Craniology — Physi- 
cal examination — No  special  abnormality — Good 
risk  for  life  insurance — Testimony  of  officers — 
Stealing  shoes — Good  workman — "  Slick  fellow  " 
— Interview  with  "  C  " — Put  obstruction  on  rail- 
road— "  Devil  in  me  " — Living  with  a  woman — 
Stole  apples  when  young — Bad  associates — "C's" 
idea  for  improving  prison  discipline — Lying  at 
school — Excuse  for  bad  behavior — Visited  places 
at  night — Played  pool — Loose  girls — Parole — 
Conclusion — History  of  Case  "  D  " — Testimony 
of  officers — Conduct  in  another  reformatory — Es- 
caped on  way  to  prison — Threatened  to  kill  a 
detective — Parents  orderly  people — Ingenious  in 
crime — Interview  with  "D  " — Whipping — Intends 
to  quit  crime — Cause  of  stealing — Injustice  to  him 
— Inventor — Genius  for  escaping — Electrocution 


14  CRIMINOLOGY. 

PACKS. 

— Reformation — Prison  experience — Ill-will  of 
prisoners — Returns  to  crime — Conclusion — Crimi- 
nal genius — Untruthful  and  crooked — Cause  of 
his  criminaUty yi 204-256 


ChaptbrJHI. — Pure  Meanness.   ' 

Term — Miss  " E.''— Records  of  institution:  child- 
hood— Complaints — Very  disorderly — Appropriat- 
ing things — Vulgar  talk — Breaking  things — - 
"  Tantrum  " — Beyond  control — Testimony  of 
officers — Obscene — Open  and  defiant — Abandoned 
life  —  Religion — Interview  with  Miss  "E" — 
Mother  a  "  run-about " — Very  bad  home — Crani- 
ology  —  Physical  examination — Autobiography — 
Conclusion — History  of  "  F  " — Records  of  institu- 
tion— Complaints — Impudent  and  surly — Testi- 
mony of  officers — Home  poor — Father  drunkard 
and  criminal — Interview — Whipped  by  father — 
Treated  well  by  grandparents — Easily  angered — 
Craniology — Physical  examination — Conclusion — 
General  practical  conclusions — Society  making 
experiments — Release  only  on  reasonable  proba- 
bility of  reformation — Indeterminate  sentence 
best — Danger  to  society  the  basis  of  punishment 
— Publications  in  newspapers  of  details  injurious 
— Foolishness  of  crime 257-272 

PART  III.— BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CRIME. 

English 275-287 

Proceedings    of    the    Congresses  of   the  National 

Prison  Association  of  the  United  States 287-303 

Periodical  and  Press  Literature 3°4_33i 

French, German, Italian,  Spanish,  other  languages.. 332-371 

Craniology 372-375 

Criminal  statistics 376-390 

Cerebrology 391-393 

Psycho-criminal   pathology 394-400 

Pathological  anatomy 401 

Anthropometry 402-403 

Physiognomy 4°4 

Congresses  of  Criminology 405-408 

Index 409-416 


PART  I. 


GENERAL  CRIMINOLOGY. 


GENERAL  CRIMINOLOGY. 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE    EVOLUTION   OF   CRIME. 


The  most  impartial  individual  we  can  conceive 
of  would  be  one  coming  from  another  planet,  who 
has  no  special  interest  upon  this  earth,  except  to 
see  things  exactly  as  they  are.  But  such  absolute 
impartiality  is  impossible  ;  nevertheless,  it  has  been 
one  of  the  efforts  of  science  to  endeavor  at  least  to 
approximate  to  such  an  ideal.  A  large  part  of  the 
most  rigid  science  consists  in  simple  and  exact 
description,  which  should  be  given,  of  course, 
without  regard  to  any  views  that  one  may  con- 
sciously or  unconsciously  hold.  We  shall  attempt 
in  this  chapter  to  describe  certain  phenomena  in 
all  stages  of  the  animate  world,  which,  if  occur- 
ring in  the  sphere  of  man,  would  be  called  criminal.1 
Such  a  description  constitutes  what  is  meant  by 
the  evolution,  or  the  embryology,  of  crime. 

Our  purpose  is  to  show  how  that  seemingly 
unrelated  phenomena  are  from  the  point  of  view 
of  nature  closely  allied.  If  it  be  said  that  we  can- 
not compare  the  action  of  a  plant  or  animal  with 
that  of  man,  it  may  be  said  also  that  a  comparison 
of  actions  of  savages  with  those  of  civilized  men  is 

1  It  will  be  understood,  therefore,  that  the  acts  of  beings  below 
civilized  man,  described  in  this  chapter,  are  analogous  to  crime,  but  are 
not  crime. 


l8  CRIMINOLOGY. 

questionable,  for  the  greatest  of  crimes  in  one  can 
be  the  greatest  of  virtues  in  the  other;  even  in 
our  present  civilization  the  taking  of  life  in  war  is 
a  patriotic  act,  and  is  therefore  regarded  as  a 
virtue. 

The  plant,  the  animal,  the  savage,  the  child  of 
civilized  man,  and  civilized  man  himself,  are  stages 
in  nature,  which  pass  imperceptibly  one  into  the 
other,  and  form  one  synthetic  whole.  According, 
then,  to  the  natural-history  method  nature  may  be 
studied  in  her  lower  realms  in  order  to  gain  an 
insight  into  her  more  developed  stages  ;  for 
although  the  processes  of  elimination  may  be  more 
direct  and  severe  in  the  beginnings  of  nature,  yet 
they  are  in  essence  the  same  throughout  her  whole 
extent,  reaching  into  the  highest  spheres  of  action 
and  thought.  From  these  points  of  view,  many  of 
the  acts  of  nature  are  the  most  cruel  and  immoral. 
The  insectivorous  plants  commit  the  analogies 
of  murder.  When  insects  light  upon  a  leaf  of  the 
utricularia  neglecta,  it  allures  these  insects  by  its 
appendages,  plays  with  them,  catches  them  in  an 
elastic  valve,  which  closes  in  behind,  and  imprisons 
them  until  they  die.  Did  we  not  know  that  these 
phenomena  depend  on  histological  conditions  we 
might  suspect  premeditation,  ambush,  and  liberty 
of  choice  ;  for  very  small  insects  are  refused  by 
this  plant.  It  may  be  possible  that  some  human 
crimes  likewise  depend  upon  histological  conditions. 

As  we  pass  from  the  vegetable  to  the  animal,  the 
number  of  analogies  of  crime  increases  in  variety. 
Thus  taking  of  life  in  order  to  procure  food  or  to 


THE   EVOLUTION   OF   CRIME.  19 

command  the  tribe  has  been  observed  among 
horses,  bulls,  and  stags.  It  is  a  familiar  fact  that 
cannibalism  is  sometimes  practiced  among  wolves; 
field  mice  when  they  fall  into  a  trap  devour  one 
another  ;  rats  do  the  same  ;  porpoises  and  rabbits 
have  been  known  to  do  likewise  even  when  they 
have  plenty  to  eat  (Lacassagne)  ;  once  in  a  while  a 
dog  will  eat  another  dog.  But  with  cannibalism 
goes  infanticide  ;  the  female  of  the  crocodile  some- 
times eats  those  of  her  young  who  do  not  know 
how  to  swim.  As  among  barbarous  peoples,  so 
among  civilized,  there  has  been  infanticide  on 
account  of  bodily  deformity.  Lombroso  saw  a  hen 
abandon  the  weak  and  lame  of  her  brood  and  start 
off  with  the  robust  ones.  There  are  birds  who 
break  their  eggs  and  destroy  their  nests  ;  monkeys 
who  dash  the  heads  of  their  young  against  a  tree 
when  they  are  tired  of  carrying  them.  Cats,  hares, 
and  dogs  furnish  the  equivalents  of  infanticide, 
and  the  young  of  foxes  practice  parricide.  There 
is  in  animals,  as  in  men,  an  irresistible  impulse  for 
over-excitement  of  passions.  The  patient  drome- 
daries when  agitated  become  furious,  trample  those 
who  trouble  them  under  their  feet ;  but  having 
satisfied  their  vengeance  they  become  quiet  again  ; 
in  such  cases  the  Arabs  throw  their  clothes  at  the 
dromedary  and  let  him  vent  his  rage  on  these. 
In  certain  species  of  ants,  the  warriors,  after  a 
combat,  are  possessed  with  a  sort  of  fury,  and  fight 
everything  in  their  way  ;  they  even  attack  the 
slaves  who  strive  to  calm  them  by  seizing  them  by 
the  legs  and  holding  them  firm  until  their  anger  is 


JO  CRIMINOLOGY. 

over.  In  a  quarrel  between  the  bears  in  a  zoologi- 
cal garden  at  Cologne,  the  female  becoming 
exhausted,  the  male  held  it  under  water  until  it 
was  drowned,  and  then  dragged  it  around  to  make 
sure  of  its  death.  In  northern  Scotland,  troops  of 
cows  have  been  known  to  put  their  guilty  compan- 
ions to  death.  Magnan  has  seen  the  most  docile 
dogs,  by  continued  use  of  alcoholic  drinks,  become 
mischievous.  Lombroso  has  observed  a  parallel 
case  in  roosters  poisoned  with  foul  meal.  Ants 
narcotized  by  chloroform  become  paralyzed,  except 
in  the  head,  by  the  moving  of  which  they  bite 
everything  in  reach.  It  is  known  that  in  a  sect  of 
assassins  in  the  Orient  the  homicidal  fury  is  excited 
by  a  mixture  of  hemp  and  opium.     (Pierquin.) 

Meteoric  conditions  have  their  influence;  thus 
animals  of  the  same  species,  or  related  ones,  are 
fiercer  in  the  torid  zone  than  in  the  less  warm 
regions  of  America  (Rousse);  the  lions  in  the  Atlas 
mountains  are  much  less  formidable  than  those  in 
the  desert.  Cattle  have  been  known  during  the 
warm  season,  and  especially  at  the  approach  of  a 
storm,  to  be  taken  with  an  attack  of  fury  and  rush 
against  persons  and  trees  until  the  storm  bursts 
and  the  rain  calms  them. 

Theft  is  a  common  vice  among  animals.  In 
stealing  to  satisfy  hunger  the  passion  is  generally 
irresistible.  There  is  a  selection  of  suitable  objects; 
the  dog  or  cat  confine  themselves  to  food;  there 
is,  as  a  rule,  no  hoarding  or  hiding,  but  the  food  is 
used  at  once.  But  in  the  stealing  of  useless  arti- 
cles practiced  by  magpies,  rats,  and  monkeys,  the 


THE   EVOLUTION   OF   CRIME.  21 

method  is  often  systematic,  or  at  long  intervals, 
hoarding  or  hiding  being  the  rule;  this  is  a  sort  of 
kleptomania,  perniciousness,  or  a  love  of  stealing 
for  its  own  sake.  As  the  magpie  is  notorious  for 
stealing  glittering  objects,  so  we  find  the  parallel 
among  savages,  who  have  been  known  to  help 
themselves  on  shipboard  to  all  the  movables,  being 
fascinated  by  mirrors,  cutlery,  and  jewelry.  Some- 
times bees,  in  order  to  save  trouble,  attack  in 
crowds  well-furnished  hives  and  carry  off  the  pro- 
visions; they  gradually  acquire  a  taste  for  this,  and 
form  companies  and  colonies  of  brigands.  If  bees 
are  given  a  mixture  of  honey  and  brandy,  they  can 
acquire  a  taste  for  it,  and  become  irritable  under 
its  influence,  drink  and  cease  to  work,  and,  like 
men,  fall  from  one  vice  into  another,  giving  them- 
selves, without  scruple,  to  plunder  and  theft. 
(Buchner.) 

Swindling  and  deceit  are  known  among  animals. 
In  military  stables  horses  are  known  to  have  pre- 
tended to  be  lame  in  order  to  avoid  going  to  mili- 
tary exercise.  A  chimpanzee  had  been  fed  on 
cake  when  sick;  after  his  recovery  he  often  feigned 
coughing  in  order  to  procure  dainties.  The  cuckoo 
sometimes  lays  its  egg  in  the  sparrow's  nest,  and 
to  make  the  deception  surer  it  takes  away  one  of  the 
sparrow's  eggs.  Animals  are  conscious  of  their 
deceit,  as  shown  by  the  fact  that  they  try  to  operate 
secretly  and  noiselessly;  they  show  a  sense  of  guilt 
if  detected;  they  take  precautions  in  advance  to 
avoid  discovery;  in  some  cases  they  manifest  regret 
and  repentance.     Thus  bees  which  steal,  hesitate 


22  CRIMINOLOGY. 

often  before  and  after  their  exploits,  as  if  they 
feared  punishment.  One  describes  how  his  mon- 
key committed  theft:  while  he  pretended  to  sleep 
the  animal  regarded  him  with  hesitation,  and 
stopped  every  time  his  master  moved  or  seemed 
on  the  point  of  awakening.  Such,  and  many  more 
well-known  facts,  may  be  due,  perhaps,  to  fear  of 
punishment,  which  naturally  follows  a  misdeed, 
just  as  is  observed  among  habitual  thieves. 

Cases  of  meanness  are  not  so  numerous  among 
the  animals;  a  surprising  one  is  the  innocent  dove, 
which  sometimes  hides  under  her  wings  food  for 
which  she  has  no  need  simply  to  deprive  her  com- 
panions. 

The  sense  of  property  is  manifested  in  the  com- 
petition for  prizes,  as  in  the  struggle  for  the  female, 
or  for  food,  rank,  territory,  or  nests.  The  dog 
distinguishes  the  property  of  his  master,  and  even 
discriminates  between  objects  belonging  to  differ- 
ent members  of  the  same  family. 

It  is  well  known  that,  by  a  wise  employment  of 
punishment,  animals  can  be  trained  and  improved. 
There  are,  however,  instincts  that  it  seems  impos- 
sible to  change.  The  cat,  in  spite  of  a  long  domes- 
ticity and  repeated  punishments,  never  loses  its 
habit  of  stealing;  and  a  curious  coincidence  is, 
that,  among  criminals,  a  thief  is  the  most  difficult 
to  reform,  and  is  generally  incorrigible.  Severity 
may  help  feeble  animals  sometimes,  but  it  renders 
the  more  vigorous  vindictive.  In  the  case  of  crim- 
inal man  the  same  idea  is  true;  less  brutal  means 
of  punishment  have  better  results. 


THE   EVOLUTION   OF   CRIME.  23 

In  passing  from  animals  to  man  we  find,  as  is 
natural  to  expect,  the  lowest  degree  of  savagery  in 
prehistoric  races.  Without  discussing  tertiary 
man,  we  know  in  general  the  manner  of  life  of 
quartenary  man;  it  was  the  lowest  degree  of  sav- 
agery; stones,  roughly  split,  were  used  as  weapons; 
hunting  was  the  main  occupation;  those  on  the 
coast  ate  mollusks,  but  were  not  fishermen;  they 
located  on  certain  points  of  the  shore  as  indicated 
by  the  piles  of  rejected  shell-fish  and  debris  of 
kitchen.  The  bow  was  for  a  long  time  unknown; 
spears  of  wood,  with  flint  fastened  to  them,  were 
their  weapons;  they  knew  fire;  they  lived  under 
rocks,  but  rarely  in  caverns,  which  were  too  often 
inhabited  by  carnivorous  animals,  with  which  man 
would  not  voluntarily  fight.  The  animals  known 
in  this  period  show  how  much  prudence  was  nec- 
essary to  man;  how  he  was  as  much  hunted  as  he 
was  a  hunter;  thus  his  progress  was  slower  than 
in  later  days. 

Among  the  savages  crime  was  the  rule.  There 
is  philological  evidence  to  show  that  in  Sanskrit 
the  word  for  crime  is  the  word  for  action;  there 
are  ten  or  more  roots  which  express  the  idea  of 
killing  or  wounding;  in  criminal  slang  the  same  is 
true;  one  explanation  is  that  synonyms  abound 
for  acts  that  are  repeated  very  often.  All  lan- 
guages agree  in  representing  plunder  and  murder 
as  the  first  source  of  property.  Even  mythology 
makes  crime  triumphant  in  heaven.  Ravuvavu 
was  the  god  of  assassins  among  the  Fijis;  Laverna 
was  the  goddess  of  thieves  among  the  Romans,  and 


24  CRIMINOLOGY. 

the  Peruvians  had  the  goddess  of  parricide  and 
infanticide.     All  these  were  held  in  adoration. 

The  large  number  of  homicides  in  savage  life  is 
explained  by  the  fact  that  excessive  increase  of 
population,  in  comparison  with  natural  means  of 
subsistence  was  a  constant  peril.  Such  homicides 
were  often  ordained  by  morality  and  religion,  and 
furnished  a  title  to  glory.  Abortion,  unknown  to 
the  animals,  is  common  among  savages.  Some 
tribes  in  Central  Africa  frequently  used  their  chil- 
dren as  a  bait  to  catch  lions.  The  aristocracy  of 
the  ancient  Mexicans  had  as  a  precept  that  a 
woman  rearing  a  child  should  be  expelled  with  the 
stigma  of  "  baby-carrier."  The  sick  and  aged  were 
murdered,  as  is  sometimes  the  case  among  animals. 
The  New  Caledonians  found  such  customs  natural, 
and  requested  death;  their  religion  taught  that 
they  entered  the  future  life  in  the  same  state  in 
which  they  left  the  earth.  On  entering  a  city  no 
man  over  forty  was  found.  Such  customs  were 
not  confined  to  savages,  but  were  practiced  in 
Europe  before  morality  and  law  had  reached  a 
sufficient  degree  of  development.  Strabo  says  that 
the  inhabitants  of  ancient  Bactria  trained  their 
dogs  to  devour  the  aged  and  sick.  In  Sweden 
they  preserved  the  large  clubs  (until  1600)  with 
which  they  killed  the  old  and  sick;  such  cruelty 
was  a  solemn  act,  performed  by  the  relatives  them- 
selves. In  funeral  rites  it  is  a  common  practice 
among  most  diverse  races  to  sacrifice  the  relatives 
and  slaves  of  the  deceased.  In  New  Zealand  the 
woman  who  refuses  to  live  after  the  death  of  her 


THE   EVOLUTION   OF   CRIME.  25 

husband  is  greatly  admired.  In  Central  Africa  it 
is  a  religious  belief  that  the  ghosts  of  the  ances- 
tors drink  the  blood  shed,  and  so  as  much  blood  is 
offered  as  possible.  The  Pauras  in  India  had  a 
caste  whose  duty  it  was  to  carry  off  men  and  chil- 
dren as  booty  for  sacrifice.  The  ancient  Greeks 
calmed  the  winds  by  offering  children.  The  Aus- 
tralians did  not  value  the  life  of  a  man  much  more 
than  that  of  a  toad.  For  a  Malay,  homicide  was  a 
sort  of  a  joke;  it  was  not  uncommon  to  test  weap- 
ons on  the  first  comer.  In  a  Kassago  tribe,  the 
Caesarean  operation  was  performed  to  satisfy  curi- 
osity. For  a  savage  a  stranger  was  an  enemy, 
whom  to  kill  was  a  glory.  With  the  Fijis  it  was  a 
great  ambition  to  become  a  celebrated  assassin. 
In  Borneo  a  young  man  was  not  able  to  marry 
unless  he  had  killed  at  least  one  man.  For  the 
Australian  natural  death  was  a  rarity.  Cannibal- 
ism is  the  highest  degree  of  human  savagery.  The 
most  common  form  is  caused  by  necessity,  and  has 
gone  so  far  that  the  Australians  have  even  exhumed 
bodies.  They  have  an  epoch  called  "the  season 
for  eating  men."  Among  many  other  causes,  there 
is  the  belief  that  one  assimilates  the  courage  of  his 
enemy  by  eating  his  heart,  his  sagacity  by  eating 
his  eye,  and  that  his  vengeance  is  prevented  by 
devouring  the  whole  body.  In  the  Sandwich 
Islands,  when  a  good  prince  dies  a  natural  death 
his  body  is  eaten,  to  keep  it  from  being  profaned; 
this  is  called  "  eating  the  chief  for  love." 

There  are  some  peoples  who  wage  war  simply  to 
eat  the  conquered.     Cannibalism  is  so  ingrained  in 


2d  CRIMINOLOGY. 

the  Fijis  that  they  cannot  praise  food  better  than 
by  saying  "  that  it  is  as  tender  as  a  dead  man." 
The  inhabitants  of  the  seashore  were  regarded  by 
some  as  having  "an  old  fishy  taste";  the  Euro- 
peans were  "  too  salty." 

In  cannibalism  there  has  been  a  gradual  diminu- 
tion in  cruelty  and  a  development  of  natural  sen- 
timents and  judicial  forms.  It  was  first  the  whole 
body,  then  a  part  which  was  eaten,  then  man  was 
replaced  by  animals,  and  at  last  symbolic  figures 
are  employed. 

The  primitive  peoples  did  not  have  property,  nor 
the  idea  of  property,  and  much  less  of  theft.  In 
Egypt  the  profession  of  a  thief  was  recognized  by 
the  State;  he  was  required  to  inscribe  his  name 
and  designate  the  place  where  those  from  whom 
he  had  taken  things  could  obtain  them  by  paying 
a  certain  sum.  The  Germans  desired  their  youths 
to  practice  s.tealing  on  their  frontiers  to  keep  them 
from  languishing  in  idleness.  Thucydides  says 
that  among  the  Greeks  on  the  islands  piracy  was 
a  glory.  In  Sparta  theft  was  permitted;  punish- 
ment was  administered  in  case  of  maladdress.  In 
Central  Africa  thieves  are  held  in  general  esteem. 

Real  crimes,  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  savage, 
are  small  in  number,  and  have  been  distinguished 
late  and  in  an  irregular  manner.  Crime  consists 
in  failures  to  conform  to  established  usages,  and 
to  whatever,  through  religion,  may  have  been 
made  sacred  by  continual  custom.  The  Hindoo 
must  not  drink  certain  beers  intended  for  the 
Brahmin  alone;  the  young  man  in  Australia  must 


THE    EVOLUTION    OF   CRIME.  2j 

not  taste  of  the  flesh  of  the  "emou,"  which  is  only 
permitted  to  the  aged  and  the  chiefs. 

While  man  takes  pleasure  in  a  slight  innovation, 
he  struggles  against  radical  ones;  he  likes  inertia  or 
repetition  of  the  same  movements.  So  the  domestic 
animals  protest  at  first  against  great  novelties, 
as  gas  or  steam.  Even  children  are  furious  when 
there  is  a  change  of  house  or  apartments;  they 
desire  to  see  the  same  things;  they  like  to  hear 
the  same  stories  over  and  over  again  in  the  same 
words.  Man  is  naturally  conservative,  and  it  is 
doubtful  if  he  would  have  progressed  had  there 
not  been  innovations  which  were  necessary  to  en- 
dure in  order  to  escape  still  greater  pains;  progress 
has  been  forced  upon  him  by  extraordinary  men 
with  exalted  altruism,  a  superior  mental  activity, 
foreseeing  events,  urging  the  people  on,  who  in 
turn  have  often  taken  vengeance  by  killing  the 
reformer. 

Savage  races,  whose  minds  are  less  active,  react 
with  the  greatest  force  against  any  innovation,  re- 
garding the  innovators  as  criminals.  Gradually  the 
guardians  of  religion,  priests,  wise  men,  and  phy- 
sicians, sorcerers,  etc.,  became  chiefs  of  the  tribe, 
country,  and  section,  and  were  considered  as  sa- 
cred, so  that  any  offense  against  them  was  the 
greatest  of  crimes. 

A  Brahmin  commits  a  slight  offense  when  he 
kills  some  one,  but  to  kill  a  Brahmin  is  an  atro- 
cious crime.  Ambition  of  despots,  intrigues  of 
priests,  joined  with  the  blind  fear  of  the  populace 
and  the  worship  of  ancestral  customs,  have  given 


28  CRIMINOLOGY. 

rise  to  some  of  the  most  strange  laws:  In  Oceanica 
it  is  a  crime  to  touch  the  body  of  a  chief,  or  for  a 
woman  to  touch  her  hand  upon  the  head  of  her 
husband,  or  to  enter  into  a  canoe.  A  Saxon  law 
punished  with  death  whoever  burnt  a  body  instead 
of  burying  it.  In  the  code  of  Manou,  whoever 
scatters  a  heap  of  earth,  or  cuts  a  blade  of  grass 
with  his  fingernails,  or  pares  his  fingernails  is  lost, 
just  as  much  as  if  he  was  a  slanderer  or  impure 
man.  Among  savages  there  was  little  idea  of 
crime;  vengeance  was  a  duty.  The  Arabs  did  not 
allow  the  homicide  to  be  punished  by  the  sover- 
eign; they  fought  for  him  and  family.  The  Abys- 
sinians  give  the  murderer  over  to  the  nearest  rela- 
tives of  the  victim,  to  be  by  them  disposed  of  at 
their  pleasure.  The  Kourraukos  punish  homicide 
by  death,  but  the  guilty  can  always  free  himself 
by  paying  damages  to  parents  or  friends  of  the 
victim;  this  is  regarded  wholly  as  a  private  affair. 
The  rudimentary  idea  of  justice  somewhat  general 
in  Africa  is,  that  there  is  no  crime,  but  only  damage 
to  some  chief  or  particular  person.  In  Australia 
each  one  applied  his  own  penal  sanction;  later  he 
consulted  with  the  tribe,  and  vengeance  became 
civil  and  religious;  death  or  retaliation  was  the  re- 
sult generally  reached.  (To-day  children  strike 
back  again,  and  are  often  not  content  until  they 
strike  just  where  they  were  struck.)  Murder  was 
of  little  consequence  except  in  case  of  a  chief, 
priest,  or  if  committed  by  a  stranger.  Among  the 
Ashantis  in  Africa,  the  murder  of  an  important 
person  was  punished  by  death,  the  culprit  being 


THE    EVOLUTION    OF   CRIME.  29 

allowed  to  kill  himself;  but  the  son  of  a  king  could 
not  suffer  the  death  penalty.  The  Fijis  regarded 
the  gravity  of  a  crime  according  to  the  social  posi- 
tion of  the  guilty;  so  in  the  laws  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  a  theft  by  a  common  man  was  much  worse 
than  by  a  chief.  With  the  increase  of  despotism 
and  the  force  of  arms  in  invasions,  the  chiefs  be- 
came proprietors  instead  of  the  tribe,  and  theft,  as 
it  was  against  them,  became  a  crime,  and  one  of 
the  greatest  of  crimes;  worse  than  assassination, 
which  did  not  involve  the  property  or  interests  of 
the  chief.  The  code  of  Manou  defines  murder  as  a 
secondary  offense,  but  ordains  to  cut  to  pieces  with 
a  razor  a  goldsmith  who  deceives  his  customer. 
In  Asia,  among  the  Mongolians,  theft  was  consid- 
ered worse  than  murder.  With  the  Germans, 
when  theft  was  announced  by  a  horn,  it  was  not 
considered  a  crime. 

Punishment  and  vengeance  finally  became  con- 
fused ;  the  idea  was  to  kill  or  to  wound  sufficiently 
to  give  compensation  to  the  victim  or  his  friends 
for  the  damage  incurred  or  pain  endured.  Among 
the  Germans  and  Australians,  one  should  kill  his 
adversary,  but  loyally  ;  he  must  veil  the  corpse  and 
indicate  to  the  relatives  where  it  lies.  Such  pun- 
ishments were  more  like  scuffles  and  duels  ;  thus  a 
tribe  warns  another  tribe  beforehand  and  furnishes 
it  with  weapons  ;  at  a  given  signal  arrows  are  shot, 
and  after  a  number  of  deaths,  they  shake  hands 
and  close  with  a  ball  (Tylor).  The  first  legal  forms 
of  punishment  were  duels  or  combats  by  several 
men  against  an  individual  presumed  guilty.     As 


30  CRIMINOLOGY. 

life  and  property  became  more  valuable,  compen- 
sation was  sought,  which  the  tribe  would  guaran- 
tee ;  and  this  varied  according  to  the  social  posi- 
tion of  the  offender.  The  custom  of  compensation 
for  vengeance  and  murder  being  once  introduced, 
the  intervention  of  a  third  person  with  authority 
naturally  followed  ;  he  should  fix  the  amount. 
Thus,  by  the  increase  of  wealth  and  the  possession 
of  property  it  was  possible  to  repair  damage  more 
equitably.  This  increased  in  turn  the  power  of 
the  chiefs,  who  were  both  judges  and  executive 
magistrates.  This  system  was  extended  to  all 
other  crimes  or  offenses,  which  were  considered 
from  the  point  of  view  of  damage  to  the  king. 
Naturally  the  chiefs  and  priests  endeavored  to 
maintain  laws  so  advantageous  to  themselves  ;  yet 
it  may  have  been  by  this  means  that  morality  pen- 
etrated into  society,  which  otherwise  might  have 
been  discouraged  by  a  too  severe  and  absolute  vir- 
tue ;  and  thus  punishments  which  were  introduced 
at  first  for  selfishness  became  profitable  for  all 
humanity,  for  with  no  other  protection  than  mus- 
cular force  it  is  doubtful  if  humanity  would  have 
been  capable  of  acquiring  a  veritable  organiza- 
tion. 

The  germs  of  crime  are  met  with,  in  a  normal 
manner,  during  the  first  years  of  infancy.  It  is  a 
familiar  fact  that  if  many  embryonic  forms  should 
cease  to  develop,  they  would  become  monstrosi- 
ties. So  a  child  if  it  retained  some  of  its  charater- 
istics  would  become  either  a  criminal,  or  a  person 
with  little  moral  sense.     The  frequency  of  anger  in 


THE   EVOLUTION   OF   CRIME.  31 

children  is  notorious.  In  the  first  few  months  it  is 
manifested  by  movements  of  the  eyebrows  or 
hands  ;  at  the  age  of  one  year  the  child  strikes 
other  people,  breaks  objects,  and  throws  things  at 
those  who  displease  it.  Obstinacy  and  impulsive- 
ness predominate,  as  those  who  wash  and  care  for 
children  often  observe.  Certain  children  cannot 
wait  a  moment  for  what  they  have  asked  for  ;  to- 
morrow is  as  long  as  eternity.  Some  become  furi- 
ous when  they  cannot  reach  a  thing.  Some  bite 
when  they  are  washed  or  when  angry.  It  is  not 
rare  to  see  a  child  scratch  and  bite  its  nurse  when 
withdrawn  from  the  breast.  When  a  request  is  re- 
fused in  the  street,  children  not  infrequently  strike 
their  parents. 

As  in  animals,  so  in  man,  jealousy  is  not  only 
excited  by  love,  but  especially  by  the  instinct  of 
passion.  In  children  it  is  sometimes  violent  ;  they 
break  objects  rather  than  see  their  playmates  have 
them.  Like  animals  they  do  not  like  to  see  others 
petted.  Lombroso  saw  a  little  girl  at  Turin  who 
would  not  nurse  when  it  saw  its  little  twin  sister  afr 
the  other  breast. 

Perez  says  the  first  cause  of  children's  lying 
is  the  habit  which  many  parents  have  of  deceiving 
them  in  order  to  quiet  them.  Children  lie  often  to 
avoid  a  reproach  or  to  obtain  that  which  has  been 
refused  them,  or  to  show  themselves  strong,  or 
because  they  wish  to  deceive  themselves  as  to  the 
humility  of  their  situation,  or  on  account  of  jeal- 
ousy, as  when  a  little  girl,  seeing  her  mother  caress 
her  little  brother  imagines  that  he  has  struck  th«» 


$2  CRIMINOLOGY. 

parrot.  After  the  age  of  three  or  four  years  chil- 
dren lie  for  fear  of  being  punished,  or  are  assisted 
to  it  by  the  way  we  question  them.  They  feign 
sickness  to  escape  doing  anything,  similar  to  the 
case  of  the  military  horse  feigning  lameness. 
Impulsiveness  and  a  shallow  sentiment  for  truth 
are  not  infrequent,  so  that  dissimulation  is  prac- 
ticed for  the  slightest  motive.  A  little  girl  will 
sometimes  say  to  her  mother:  "  The  lady  next  door 
said  I  wasn't  dressed  very  nicely." 

Children  generally  detest  injustice,  especially  if 
they  are  the  sufferers;  the  injustice  consists  in  the 
want  of  accord  between  the  habitual  manner  in 
which  they  have  been  treated  and  that  which  they 
experience  accidentally. 

Affection  is  rare  among  babies;  they  manifest 
sympathy  for  pretty  faces  or  for  that  which  gives 
them  pleasure.  Too  much  novelty  they  do  not 
understand,  or  are  frightened  at  it.  A  child's  love 
may  often  be  caused  by  gifts  and  the  hope  for 
more,  and  when  not  realized  the  love  often  fades. 

Cruelty  is  common  among  children;  they  delight 
in  breaking  inanimate  objects,  tearing  things,  hit- 
ting animals,  smashing  caterpillars;  tramping  on 
anything  to  kill  it.  Among  the  lower  classes  boys 
from  5  to  10  years  of  age  are  notoriously  cruel. 

But  murder,  no  less  than  anger,  vengeance,  and 
cruelty,  is  found  in  children.  Caligula  at  13  had  a 
slave  cast  into  an  oven  for  a  slight  offense.  Two 
children,  the  one  13  and  the  other  10  years  of  age, 
having  a  spite  against  a  comrade  of  7  years,  met 
him  in  an  out-of-the-way  place,  threw  him  into  a 


THE   EVOLUTION   OF  CRIME.  33 

deep  hole,  and  stoned  him  to  death.  A  boy  in  the 
State  of  Iowa  (n  years  of  age)  went  early  in  the 
morning  into  the  room  where  his  grandparents 
were  sleeping  and  shot  them  both;  seeing  his 
grandfather  move  he  finished  him  with  an  ax.  He 
told  the  boys  afterwards:  "  I  did  it  all  alone."  The 
occasion  of  his  deed  seems  to  have  been  a  refusal 
to  allow  him  to  do  something.  Another  boy  of  13 
stabbed  his  comrade  in  the  heart  because  he  refused 
to  pay  a  debt  he  owed  him  for  a  game.  Such 
crimes  in  the  case  of  children,  if  less  cruel  than  in 
the  case  of  adults,  are  so  from  the  lack  of  force 
rather  than  ferocity. 

We  have  seen  how  theft  commenced  to  be 
punished  when  the  era  of  conquests  opened,  when 
the  chiefs  held  on  to  what  they  had  acquired  and 
refused  to  divide  with  their  feebler  companions. 
In  this  instance  it  would  seem  morality  and  punish- 
ment of  crime  developed  in  a  measure  out  of  crime; 
that  is,  were  crimes  themselves.  Such  a  theory  of 
the  impure  origin  of  justice  may  explain  the  in- 
equality with  which  it  is  distributed  ;  to-day  the 
poor  sometimes  find  difficulty  in  obtaining  justice, 
and  riches  do  not  infrequently  make  punishment 
milder.  The  instinct  of  vengeance  is  at  present 
quite  deep-rooted  in  humanity;  thus  the  compla- 
cency with  which  the  public  consider  the  condem- 
nation of  an  insane  culprit  for  a  murderous  act,  as 
in  the  case  of  Guiteau.  This  impatience  against 
regarding  the  criminal  as  a  patient  is  a  sentiment 
which  is  latent  in  each  of  us.  We  desire  vengeance, 
although  we  may  have  changed  its  name  and  ap- 
3 


34  CRIMINOLOGY. 

pearance.  A  form  of  this  is  reproduced  in  our 
Western  and  Southern  States  as  "  lynch  law," 
which  is  an  explosion  of  popular  anger.  Some- 
times this  has  for  a  cause,  as  in  cannibalism,  a  bar- 
baric satisfaction,  a  cruel  pleasure  to  see  an  execu- 
tion, and  a  passion  to  participate  in  shedding 
blood  or  a  love  of  excitement. 

Looking  at  man  from  a  scientific  point  of  view, 
he  exceeds  all  others  in  criminality  ;  he  kills  not 
only  his  own  species,  which  the  animals  rarely  do, 
but  beings  of  all  other  species  with  impunity ; 
those  which  it  is  not  an  advantage  to  kill  he  sub- 
jects to  slavery.  The  egotism  of  the  human 
species  surpasses  that  of  all  others.  The  basis  of 
this  egotism  is  a  combination  of  psychic  and 
physical  force,  not  moral  force. 

At  present  the  bloody  idea  of  war  still  remains  in 
the  whole  human  race.  Modern  Europe,  where 
the  highest  civilization  exists,  has  at  least  12,000,- 
000  men  trained  for  war,  while  Rome,  with  her 
vast  empire,  had  only  300,000  legionaries  ;  and 
this  is  the  state  of  the  world  which,  at  present,  is 
in  its  commercial  glory,  and  yet,  in  the  face  of 
this,  it  is  claimed  that  commerce  and  war  are  an- 
tagonists ;  but  it  is  said  that  war  has  the  advantage 
of  purging  the  race.  To  accomplish  this,  however, 
cholera  is  much  more  effective,  for  the  lower 
strata  are  preeminently  the  sufferers,  while  in  war 
much  of  the  best  blood  of  a  nation  is  sacrificed. 
The  savage  instinct  of  murder  is  still  deeply 
rooted.  War  from  the  natural-history  point  of 
view  is  universal  murder,  an  extension  and  develop- 


THE   EVOLUTION   OF   CRIME.  35 

ment  of  universal  homicide.  In  primitive  times  it 
was  terrible  in  character,  exceeding  the  ferocity  of 
the  wildest  beasts ;  in  the  next  stage  of  develop- 
ment one  did  not  eat  his  enemy,  but  mutilated  and 
tortured  him,  and  modern  civilized  war  is  the  same 
in  essence,  though  different  in  form.  For  inven- 
tive genius  is  at  present  exerting  itself  to  its 
utmost  to  discover  how  to  kill  and  mutilate  the 
enemy  at  great  distances,  and,  to  the  disgrace  of 
the  19th  century  humanity,  it  seems  to  have  suc- 
ceeded. And,  while  we  look  with  horror  upon  the 
cannibal,  the  words  of  Montaigne  are  not  inappli- 
cable when  he  says  that  *  it  is  more  barbarous  to 
kill  a  live  man  than  to  roast  and  eat  a  dead  one.** 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE   PHYSICAL   SIDE   OF    THE   CRIMINAL. 

Anthropometry  of  Children. 

FroM  79  children  less  than  1 2  years  of  age  confined 
in  houses  of  correction,  among  whom  were  40  thieves, 
27  vagabonds,  7  homicides,  and  3  whose  crime  is 
not  stated,  Lombroso  finds  as  predominating  anom- 
alies: 30  with  deformed  ears,  21  with  small,  retreat- 
ing foreheads,  19  plagiocephalic,  16  with  projecting 
cheek  bones,  14  with  prominent  jaws,  7  with  raised 
frontal  sinuses,  6  hydrocephalic,  5  crosseyed,  14 
with  facial  asymmetry,  10  with  physiognomy  of 
cretins,  9  goitrous,  and  9  with  deformed  nose. 

The  striking  thing  is  the  large  number  of  anom- 
alies among  children  which  subsequently  disap- 
pear. A  little  less  than  half  of  the  children  (44  per 
cent.)  present  abnormal  moral  tendencies,  such  as 
extreme  irritability,  love  of  vagabondage,  persist- 
ence in  lying,  an  odd  propensity  to  move  oneself 
continually,  and  to  tear  clothes. 

The  morbid  physical  characters  in  criminal 
children  are  69  per  cent.,  or  double  those  without 
any  moral  anomaly;  here  the  physical  anomalies 
are  30  per  cent.  The  semi-delinquents,  masturbators 
and  thieves  have  72  per  cent,  to  83  per  cent,  of 
physical  anomalies;    morbid   heredity  reaches  in 


THE    PHYSICAL   SIDE   OF   THE   CRIMINAL.  37 

these  children  70  and  66  per  cent.  Out  of  100  rich 
pupils  in  the  International  College  at  Turin,  53 
were  absolutely  normal  physically  and  morally. 
Of  44  with  evidences  of  physical  degeneracy,  only 
6  had  immoral  tendencies.  The  very  small  propor- 
tion of  psychical  anomalies  is  due  to  the  selection 
of  pupils  and  to  superior  training.  In  general,  the 
moral  anomalies,  which  in  adults  would  constitute 
a  criminal,  are  much  larger  in  proportion  in  chil- 
dren, but  disappear  through  education.  The  men- 
tal anomalies  are  double  in  proportion  in  criminal 
children,  and  reach  a  still  higher  figure  in  these  chil- 
dren when  they  are  immoral.  The  researches  of 
Ferri,  Bischoff,  Bom,  Corre,  Biliakow,  Troyski, 
Lacassagne,  and  Lombroso  give  the  following 
results: 

Minors. 

Comparing  188  young  criminals  with  437  normal 
young  men  of  the  same  age  and  same  manner  of 
life,  the  stature  in  the  criminals  was  a  little  superior 
at  the  age  of  10  to  13;  equal  from  13  to  16;  superior 
from  16  to  18,  in  the  proportion  of  1.54  to  1.51,  and 
inferior  from  19  to  21.  As  to  weight,  the  criminals 
were  superior  in  every  series,  except  from  13  to  16, 
where  the  two  were  equal;  but  cranial  circum- 
ference in  all  the  young  criminals  was  inferior. 
The  minimum  frontal  diameter  of  12  criminals 
from  12  to  14  (107-108  mm.)  was  inferior  to  that  of 
12  normal  (in  mm.). 

Adults. 

In  all  regions  of*Italy  the  stature  of  criminals  is 


307016 


38  CRIMINOLOGY. 

superior.  This  is  in  contradiction  with  the  figures 
of  Wilson  Thompson,  but  agrees  with  Biliakow 
(100  homicides);  especially  the  highway  robbers 
and  homicides  are  superior  in  comparison  with  the 
violators,  forgers,  and  thieves.  As  to  weight,  in 
general  the  criminals  are  superior;  the  violators 
and  thieves  giving  the  minimum  weight.  The  finger- 
reach  of  the  criminals  is  superior. 

Of  567  homicides,  53  were  in  delicate  health  and 
3  ill-formed  ;  143  thieves,  19  were  in  delicate  health 
and  10  ill-formed;  21  violators,  4  were  in  delicate 
health  and  3  ill-formed  ;  34  forgers,  5  were  in  deli- 
cate health  and  1  ill-formed;  23  incendiaries,  2  were 
in  delicate  health  and  2  ill-formed.  The  brigands, 
homicides,  and  incendiaries  are  slim,  and  in  good 
health,  while  the  thieves  and  violators  are  frail  ; 
especially  the  latter,  probably  due  to  solitary 
pleasure,  the  traces  of  which  are  in  the  face.  The 
homicides  are  larger  and  stronger  ;  but  they  need 
their  strength  and  use  it  more  than  the  thieves. 

Physiognomy. 

The  face  is  the  expression  of  the  individual. 
Whether  we  will  or  no  on  seeing  a  person  for  the 
first  time  we  form  an  opinion  of  him,  and,  though 
we  may  be  mistaken,  still,  on  the  whole,  we  are 
much  more  often  right  than  wrong  in  our  first 
impressions.  A  distinctly  honest  face  is  much 
more  likely  to  be  what  it  appears  than  otherwise. 
The  platitude  that  appearances  are  deceptive  is 
only  a  partial  truth.  How  such  a  statement  can  be 
so  easily  believed  is  seen  from  the  fact  that  we 


THE   PHYSICAL   SIDE   OF   THE   CRIMINAL.  39 

remember  much  more  easily  those  cases  in  which 
we  were  deceived  than  those  in  which  we  were  not, 
for  a  jar  to  our  minds,  produced  by  a  disappoint- 
ment, is  more  tangible  for  the  mind  to  hold  in 
memory.  Mantegazza  has  classified  the  facial 
expressions  into  physiological,  moral,  intellectual, 
and  aesthetical.  In  the  physiological,  we  have  the 
condition  of  health  indicated,  assimilation  of  food, 
the  marks  of  disease  or  suffering,  the  general  func- 
tioning of  the  body.  The  moral  characteristics 
are  the  most  difficult  to  interpret,  for  they  influ- 
ence and  are  influenced  in  a  large  measure  by  the 
others.  There  is  the  open,  frank,  generous,  genial 
face,  although  not  beautiful,  it  is  attractive;  there 
is  the  dull,  unsympathetic  countenance.  Then 
there  is  the  intelligent  expression,  the  intellectual 
characters  being  anatomically  indicated  in  the 
forehead,  eye,  and  mouth.  The  aesthetical  charac- 
ters are  indicated  in  the  symmetry  or  asymmetry  of 
the  features;  the  color  of  eye,  skin,  and  shape  of 
nose  have,  as  a  resultant,  beauty  or  the  opposite. 
The  clergy  have  generally  a  distinct  physiognomy, 
so  in  the  case  of  actors,  teachers, and  literary  men; 
all  those  who  give  their  lives  to  intellectual  work 
of  any  kind  can  be  distinguished  from  the  modern 
business  man  ;  it  is  not  difficult  in  a  college  town 
to  distinguish  the  students  from  the  town  boys, 
simply  by  their  faces.  The  veterans  of  the  army 
have  a  well-marked  physiognomy.  If  one  walks 
through  a  prison,  he  certainly  will  see  something 
common  in  most  of  the  faces  that  is  characteristic, 
however  unable  he  may  be  to  describe  it ;  one  has 


4<>  CRIMINOLOGY. 

a  similar  experience  in  visiting  an  insane  asylum. 
The  criminal,  as  to  aesthetical  physiognomy  differs 
little  from  the  ordinary  man,  except  in  the  case  of 
women  criminals,  who  are  most  always  homely,  if 
not  repulsive  ;  many  are  masculine,  have  a  large, 
ill-shaped  mouth,  small  eye,  large,  pointed  nose, 
distant  from  the  mouth,  ears  extended  and  irregu- 
larly implanted.  The  intellectual  physiognomy 
shows  an  inferiority  in  criminals,  and  when  in  an 
exceptional  way  there  is  a  superiority,  it  is  rather 
of  the  nature  of  cunning  and  shrewdness.  The 
inferiority  is  marked  by  vulgarity,  by  meager  cra- 
nial dimensions,  small  forehead,  dull  eyes.  The 
moral  physiognomy  is  marked  in  its  lowest  form 
with  a  sort  of  unresponsiveness ;  there  is  little  or 
no  remorse  ;  there  is  sometimes  the  debauched, 
haggard  visage.  In  the  lesser  forms  of  crime  there 
is  difficulty  in  making  out  much  that  is  special,  as 
the  individual  is  capable  of  concealing  his  motives 
and  impulses.  Lombroso  gives  the  results  of  his 
study  of  220  men  and  204  women  of  different 
nationalities :  Twenty  men  have  the  ethnic  type 
out  of  211  ;  8  Jews  preserve  their  Semitic  type. 
Those  without  the  ethnic  type  are  of  inferior  intel- 
ligence, or  are  criminals  by  occasion.  In  the  men 
a  large  jaw,  rarity  of  beard,  hardness  of  visage, 
and  abundance  of  hair  are  predominant  ;  project- 
ing ears,  receding  forehead,  squinting  eyes,  and  a 
deformed  nose  are  to  be  noted.  Those  guilty  of 
rape  (if  not  cretins)  almost  always  have  a  project- 
ing eye,  delicate  physiognomy,  large  lips  and  eye- 
lids ;   the  most   of  them   are  slender,  blond,  and 


THE    PHYSICAL    SIDE   OF   THE   CRIMINAL.  41 

rachitic.  The  pederasts  often  have  a  feminine  ele- 
gance, long  and  curly  hair,  and,  even  in  prison 
garb,  a  certain  feminine  figure,  a  delicate  skin,  child- 
ish look,  and  abundance  of  glossy  hair,  parted  in 
the  middle.  Burglars  who  break  into  houses  have, 
as  a  rule,  woolly  hair,  deformed  craniums,  power- 
ful jaws,  and  enormous  zygomatic  arches,  are  cov- 
ered with  scars  on  the  head  and  trunk,  and  are 
often  tattooed.  Habitual  homicides  have  a  glossy, 
cold,  immobile,  sometimes  sanguinary  and  dejected 
look  ;  often  an  aquiline  nose,  or,  in  other  words,  a 
hooked  one  like  a  bird  of  prey,  always  large  ;  the 
jaws  are  large,  ears  long,  hair  woolly,  abundant 
and  rich  (dark)  ;  beard  rare,  canine  teeth,  very 
large  ;  the  lips  are  thin.  A  large  number  of  forgers 
and  swindlers  have  an  artlessness,  and  something 
clerical  in  their  manner,  which  give  confidence  to 
their  victims.  Some  have  a  haggard  look,  very 
small  eyes,  crooked  nose,  and  face  of  an  old 
woman.  It  is  a  common  custom  for  brigands  to  wear 
tresses  as  a  sign  of  terribleness.  Archaeology  shows 
us  Tiberus  with  projecting  eyes,  facial  asymmetry, 
and  large  jaws.  Caligula  with  a  wicked,  cruel,  and 
defiant  expression,  a  menacing  expansion  of  the 
upper  lip,  palor,  thin  lips,  fixed  and  terrible  look, 
strong  asymmetrical  jaws;  the  left  side  of  the  zygo- 
matic fossa  is  the  most  developed.  Nero  has  a 
striking  asymmetry  of  face,  strong  jaws,  large  eyes, 
somewhat  far  apart,  very  projecting  sinuses  and  a 
low  forehead. 

Lombroso,  with  the  aid  of  Marro,  finds  as  to  the 
hair  (comparing  500  criminals  with   500   normal 


42  CRIMINOLOGY. 

men)  that  the  incendiaries  and  thieves  reach  the 
maximum  (57  per  cent.)  for  black  hair;  the  vio- 
lators the  minimum  (23  per  cent.);  the  idlers,  high- 
way robbers,  and  thieves  attain  the  maximum  for 
brown  hair.  The  violators  and  swindlers  form  the 
majority  of  the  blonds.  Dark  hair  (black  and 
brown)  is  predominant  among  criminals  in  general, 
as  compared  with  normal  men,  in  the  proportion 
of  49  per  cent,  to  33  per  cent.;  light  hair  (blond 
and  red)  in  the  proportion  of  16.5  to  6.85  per  cent. 
Marro  among  507  criminals  found  10  percent,  with 
little  hair,  44  per  cent,  with  thick  hair,  with  a 
maximum  of  53  per  cent,  in  vagabonds,  47  per  cent, 
in  assassins.  From  4,000  criminals  Bertillion  finds 
33.2  per  cent,  with  brown  iris;  22.4  per  cent,  with 
a  dark  brown;  32.4  per  cent,  yellow  or  red  iris. 
While  it  is  true  that  many  of  these  characteristics 
are  often  seen  in  ordinary  men,  yet  the  large  jaw, 
the  masculine  appearance  of  the  women,  bad  look, 
projecting  ears,  strabism,  thick  hair,  and  receding 
forehead  are  much  more  frequent  in  criminals. 

Although  there  are  the  doubtful  points  in  the 
case  of  criminals,  yet  in  the  case  of  the  so-called 
normal  men  there  is  much  greater  uncertainty;  for 
we  know  little  or  nothing  of  their  lives;  some  of 
them,  as  among  all  men,  need  the  aggravating 
occasion  to  become  criminals.  Easy  circumstance 
and  agreeable  surroundings  in  life  can  protect 
some,  whom  severe  adversity  might  turn  into 
criminals;  we  may  say  that  most  every  individual 
has  his  limit  beyond  which  he  would  commit  a 
criminal  act.    Poverty,  misery,  and  organic  debility 


THE   PHYSICAL  SIDE  OF   THE   CRIMINAL.  43 

are  not  infrequently  the  causes  of  crime.  The 
physiognomical  criminal  type  is  very  rare  among 
normal  men,  but  frequent  among  criminals.  The 
popular  mind,  though  often  unobserving,  has  not 
failed  to  notice  many  criminal  characteristics.  A 
few  proverbs  (collected  by  Lombroso)  will  illustrate 
this:  "  There  is  nothing  worse  than  scarcity  of 
beard  and  no  color."  "  Pale  face  is  either  false  or 
treacherous "  (Rome).  "  A  red-haired  man  and 
bearded  woman,  greet  them  at  a  distance  "  (Ven- 
ice). u  Be  thou  suspicious  of  the  woman  with  a 
man's  voice."  "  God  preserve  me  from  the  man 
without  a  beard  "  (France).  "  Pale  face  is  worse 
than  the  itch  "  (Piedmont).  "  Bearded  woman  and 
unbearded  man,  salute  at  a  distance "  (Tuscan). 
"  Man  of  little  beard,  of  little  faith."  "  Wild  look, 
cruel  custom."  "  Be  suspicious  of  him  who  laughs, 
and  beware  of  men  with  small  and  twinkling  eyes  " 
(Tuscan). 

There  are  not  a  few  women,  who,  although  igno- 
rant of  the  lower  side  of  life,  are  instinctively  suspici- 
ous of  persons  unknown,  but  criminal  in  character. 
There  may  be  a  heredity  element  here,  as  in  the 
case  of  our  little  house-birds,  who  strike  their  cage 
with  wing  and  beak,  when  a  bird  of  prey  passes  over 
them,  which  enemy  was  only  known  to  their  ancestry. 

There  is  little  doubt  but  that  physiognomical 
characteristics  can  be  modified  by  the  criminal. 
Lombroso  has  observed  that  when  a  murderous 
man  is  made  to  make  a  violent  effort,  his  physiog- 
nomy, especially  his  face,  takes  the  ferocious  look 
peculiar  to  the  criminal  at  the  moment  of  the  crime. 


44  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Physiognomy  stands  in  close  relation  with  facial 
and  cranial  signs  of  degeneration.  It  must  not  be 
forgotten  how  great  an  influence  habits  have  over 
the  mimical  facial  muscles,  how  gradual  the  pas- 
sage is  from  harmonious  features  to  prison  physi- 
ognomy, which  is  caused  in  part  by  passions  tem- 
porarily changed.  Also  the  unconscious  influence 
of  the  style  of  hair,  beard,  look,  demeanor,  and 
clothing  is  to  be  noted;  in  prison  garb,  for  example, 
a  face  makes  quite  another  impression  from  that 
in  ordinary  dress.  Von  Holder,  from  1,022  por- 
traits of  recidivists  of  both  sexes,  found  it  im- 
possible in  many  cases  to  pronounce  one  a  criminal 
from  his  physiognomy.  Physiognomy,  though 
uncertain,  gives  us  valuable  hints  sometimes. 

Tattooing. 

Following  is  a  table  of  statistics  from  Lombroso; 


Condemned  for  murder  and  violence 
Condemned  for  theft 
Condemned  for  forgery,  swindling  . 
Condemned  for  rape 
Deserting  or  rebellious  soldiers 
Criminals  who  are  not  recidivists 
Criminals  who  are  recidivists  . 

The  largest  number  who  tattoo  are  found  among 
the  recidivists;  the  smallest  number,  omitting 
crimes  against  decency,  are  the  forgers  and  swin- 
dlers. Perhaps  their  superior  intelligence  enables 
them  to  see  the  disadvantage  of  tattooing.  As  a 
rule  women  tattoo  very  little.     Men  who  are  not 


No. 

Tattooed 

Proportion^ 
.    per  cent. 

80 

16 

90 

141 

20 

14 

54 

6 

II. I 

11 

I 

9 

4 

I 

35 

99 

4 

4 

191 

5o 

20.9 

THE   PHYSICAL   SIDE   OF   THE   CRIMINAL.  45 

criminals  tend  to  give  up  the  custom;  while  among 
the  criminals  the  usage  reaches  large  proportions. 
Almost  all  tattoo  the  fore-arm  and  the  palms  of  the 
hands;  a  smaller  number  tattoo  the  shoulders, 
chest  (sailors)  and  fingers  (miners).  Those  who 
tattoo  the  back  and  the  private  parts  have  generally 
been  in  Oceanica,  or  lived  in  the  prisons.  The 
symbols  of  war  are  naturally  most  frequent  among 
the  soldiers. 

Parent-Duchatelet  has  seen  quite  extensive  tat- 
tooing among  the  lowest  prostitutes.  In  men, 
symbols  of  love  consist  ordinarily  in  the  name  or 
initials  of  the  woman  loved,  or  in  the  date  of  the 
first  love,  or  in  one  or  more  hearts  transfixed  by  an 
arrow  or  two  clasped  hands.  Obscenity  is  suffi- 
ciently common  as  indicated  by  the  symbols  over 
the  abdomen  and  genital  parts.  The  pederasts  are 
very  fond  of  tattooing.  Parent-Duchatelet  never 
found  any  obscene  symbols  among  the  prostitutes. 
A  parallel  characteristic  of  prostitutes  is  that  they 
seldom  read  obscene  literature. 

As  in  the  case  of  sailors  and  savages,  criminals 
tattoo  all  parts  of  the  body,  which  indicates  among 
them  all  a  low  degree  of  sensibility  to  pain.  Of  89 
adult  criminals  66  were  tattooed  between  the  ages 
of  9  and  16.  Of  89  criminals  71  were  tattooed 
while  in  prison.  The  causes  of  a  custom  of  so  little 
advantage,  and  frequently  harmful,  are  found  in: 
(1)  Religion;  to  engrave  the  image  of  a  saint  on 
one's  own  flesh  was  a  proof  of  love;  the  Phoenicians 
engraved  on  the  forehead  the  sign  of  their  divinity; 
the  early  Christians  engraved  the  name  of  Christ 


46  CRIMINOLOGY. 

upon  the  hand  and  arm.  Sailors  had  still  another 
motive  which  was  that  they  might  be  recognized 
if  they  perished  in  the  sea.  (2)  In  the  desire  of 
imitation.  Often  a  whole  company  of  soldiers  have 
the  same  symbol  tattooed.  (3)  In  the  spirit  of  ven- 
geance, as  indicated  by  the  symbols.  (4)  In  lazi- 
ness, as  in  the  prisons  where  they  amuse  themselves 
for  nothing  else  to  do;  inaction  being  more  diffi- 
cult to  endure  than  the  pain  itself.  (5)  Vanity  has 
very  great  influence;  thus  the  savages  go  naked, 
having  signs  upon  the  chest;  others  tattoo  the 
parts  most  exposed;  the  soldiers  do  it  to  show  their 
courage  in  enduring  pain.  Among  the  "  Birmans  " 
of  New  Zealand  tattooing  indicates  social  position. 
(6)  Feeling  of  association  and  of  sect,  as  among 
the  Camorrists  of  Naples,  was  a  cause.  (7)  Noble 
passions  also  were  iufluential;  thus  the  image  of  a 
friend  or  the  souvenirs  of  childhood  give  courage 
to  the  soldier.  (8)  Atavism  and  erotic  passions,  as 
shown  by  obscene  symbols,  are,  perhaps,  the  most 
frequent  causes.  Tattooing  is  one  of  the  charac- 
teristics of  primitive  man.  In  prehistoric  caves, 
and  in  ancient  Egyptian  sepulchers,  are  found 
the  instruments  used  for  this  purpose.  Tattooing 
among  the  insane  indicates  criminality,  if  they 
have  not  been  sailors  or  soldiers. 

Craniology. 

Cranial  Capacity. — By  a  comparative  study  of 
121  criminals  and  328  normal  men,  Lombroso  finds 
that  craniums  of  small  volume  exceed,  and  those  of 
very  large  volume  are  rare,  in  the  case  of  criminals, 


THE    PHYSICAL   SIDE    OF   THE   CRIMINAL.  47 

although  the  criminals  were  larger  of  stature  than 
the  normal  men  ;  he  also  shows  from  his  own 
statistics  and  those  of  others,  that  in  general,  when 
a  large  cranial  capacity  is  not  due  to  hydrocepha- 
lus, it  is  concomitant  with  a  developed  intelligence. 
Ranke  makes  the  cranial  capacity  of  criminals 
equal  to  that  of  other  men,  with  variations  in  the 
minimum  and  maximum  capacities;  but,  as  Lom- 
broso  remarks,  those  results  relate  only  to  assas- 
sins ;  in  addition  cretinism  is  somewhat  extensive 
where  (Bavaria)  Ranke  made  his  researches.  Bor- 
dier  and  other  observers  find  in  a  number  of 
assassins  a  capacity  superior  to  that  in  normal  men. 
Manouvrier  explains  these  divergences  by  the 
probable  difference  in  method,  and  the  insufficient 
number  studied. 

Weight  of  Cranium. — The  average  weight  of 
the  cranium  is  superior  to  that  of  the  ordinary  indi- 
vidual according  to  Lombroso,  who  examined  21 
Italian  assassins;  on  the  other  hand,  Manouvrier,  on 
examination  in  France  of  44  assassins  and  50  nor- 
mal men,  found  the  weight  of  cranium  inferior.  As 
to  the  relation  of  the  weight  to  the  capacity,  it 
may  be  true,  as  Corre  suggests,  that  the  weight  of 
the  cranium  is  less  related  to  the  brain  develop- 
ment than  it  is  to  the  osseous  system  ;  thus  the 
skeleton  and  the  length  of  its  members  would  be  a 
fact  to  consider.  Corre,  Bordier,  Lombroso,  Ferri, 
Weisbach,  and  Lauvergne  find  the  horizontal  cir- 
cumference in  criminals  inferior  to  that  of  ordinary 
men. 

Semi-horizontal    Circumference. — Almost   all 


48  CRIMINOLOGY. 

measurements  give  a  slight  predominance  to  the 
semi-posterior  circumference  over  the  semi-ante- 
rior. In  such  cases,  in  which  the  predominance  is 
in  the  anterior  circumference,  the  muscular  mass 
of  the  temporal  bone,  the  most  powerful  moter  for 
the  jaw,  must  be  taken  into  consideration. 

Broca's  method  of  measuring  the  auricular  an- 
gles, by  which,  through  the  use  of  the  stereograph, 


projections  of  the  cranium  are  obtained,  is  as  fol- 
lows :  O,  is  the  apex  of  the  auricular  angles,  A,  is 
the  alveolar  point,  B,  sub-orbital,  C,  bregma,  Z>, 
lambda,  E,  inion  and  i^ophisthion.  The  first  angle 
(A  O  B)  represents  the  facial  region ;  the  second 
(B  O  C)  the  frontal  cerebral  region ;  the  third 
(C  O  £>)  the  parietal  region;  the  fourth  {DOE)  the 
occipital  cerebral  region,  and  the  fifth  (E  O  F)  the 
region  of  the  cerebellum.  The  size  of  these  angles 
does  not  depend  upon  the  size  but  upon  the  form 
of  the  cranium;  this  gives  the  angles  special  value. 
Corre  measured  150  craniums  of  widely  differ- 
ent categories,  and  confirms  the  value  of  these 
angles. 


THE   PHYSICAL  SIDE   OF   THE   CRIMINAL. 


49 


From  this  table  we  see  that  the  frontal  angle 
increases  as  we  rise  toward  the  superior  races,  but 
that  the  criminals  stand  comparatively  low  (50.9°). 

Cranium.1 


Gorilla 

Chimpanzee 

Microcephalics 

Idiots  (not  microcephlics) 

New  Caledonians..  {$«£  —  ; 

A  frican  Negroes 

French  assassins  (23  in  number) 

Modern  Parisians. .  \  Women. '. '. 


V 

c 

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it 

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if 

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Degs. 

Degs. 

Degs. 

Degs. 

Degs. 

61 

35 

58 

59-5 

35 

54 

19 

43 

53-5 

41. a 

59-3 

36.  S 

35-7 

47-5 

44 

6a. s 

38.3 

3a  3 

49 

63 

36 

30 

52 

61 

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37 

43-3 

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61.7 

36.6 

35-» 

51.8 

50.9 

67.1 

40.9 

29.9 

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54.6 

59-7 

40.1 

30.6 

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55-4 

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Degs. 

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149.7 

158.9 

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153.9 


1  Quatrefage  and  Hamy's  table. 

9  The  nasal  orbital  angle  corresponds  to  facial  projections. 
1  The  total  cerebral  angle  includes  the  frontal,  parietal,  and  occipital 
angles,  which  correspond  to  the  cerebral  cranium. 

In  the  French  assassin  the  frontal  angle  is  smaller 
than  in  the  African  negro.  Orchanski  and  Heger 
agree  in  according  to  the  normal  man  a  superior 
anterior  projection  of  the  cranium. 

Curves. — Bordier  concludes  that  the  parietal 
region  is  larger  in  criminals;  Benedikt  and  Lom- 
broso  find  no  appreciable  difference. 

Cephalic    Index. — This   expresses   the  general 

form  of  the  cranium;  it  is  less  in  proportion   as 

the  length   is  greater,  and   more  as  the  length  is 

less.     With    some   variations,   the   brachycephalic 

4 


50  CRIMINOLOGY. 

cranium  is  the  most  common  among  criminals. 
Lombroso  considers  this  an  indication  of  a  tendency 
to  exaggerate  ethnic  indices.  Corre  interprets 
this  more  in  the  sense  of  arrest  of  development 
approaching  that  of  the  child. 

Vertical  Index  (diameter  drawn  from  the  base 
to  bregma). — Lombroso  finds  no  notable  differ- 
ence; d'Ardouin,  d'Orchanski,  and  Bordier  make  it 
greater  in  criminals  (comparison  in  the  same 
race);  on  the  other  hand,  Heger  and  Dellemagne 
find  it  less. 

Frontal  Index. — Lombroso  again  finds  no  no- 
table deviation,  Bordier  and  Corre  find  it  larger 
in  assassins.  (The  frontal  index  expresses  the 
transversal  development  of  the  anterior  cranial 
region.) 

Under  the  total  length  of  face  there  is  a  large 
predominance  in  favor  of  the  criminal;  this  exceeds 
the  simple  length,  but  this  is  in  connection  with 
the  development  of  the  jaw,  for,  according  to 
Ferri,  the  length  of  the  face,  in  relation  to  the 
height  of  the  vertex  to  the  chin,  is  much  greater  in 
criminals  ;  this  height  indicates  the  relation  of  the 
face  to  the  development  of  the  cranium.  Also  the 
bizygomatic  (maximum  breadth)  breadth  of  face 
is  larger  in  criminals. 

According  to  Lombroso,  the  lowest  nasal  indices 
are  twice  as  rare,  and  the  highest  are  twice  as  fre- 
quent in  the  criminals.  Lombroso,  Ferri,  Orchan- 
ski,  Manouvrier  and  others  agree  as  to  the  greater 
development  of  the  lower  jaw  among  criminals  ; 


THE    PHYSICAL   SIDE   Or   THE    CRIMINAL.  51 


2.5. ' 


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5  a  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Lombroso  finds  greater  orbital  capacity  in  crim- 
inals, explaining  it,  as  in  the  case  of  birds  of  prey, 
by  the  coordination  of  certain  organs  as  the  result 
of  more  frequent  exercise  ;  this  capacity  is  still 
more  developed  in  thieves  and  assassins.  We  are 
indebted  to  Dr.  Corre  and  others  for  the  following 
facts  :  (i)  Frequency  of  the  median  (or  metopic) 
frontal  suture.  This  character  appears  with  brachy- 
cephalic  heads  and  may  be  regarded  as  indicating 
inferiority ;  (2)  the  parietal  or  parietal  occipital 
sutures  grow  together  earlier.  Thus,  the  parietal 
or  occipito-parietal  sutures  are  soon  effaced,  so  the 
parietal-frontal  and  temporal  ;  (3)  the  notched 
sutures  are  the  simplest.  This  anomaly  (as  an 
interparietal  bone  in  Peruvians  and  Negroes)  is 
considered  by  Anouchine  as  a  sign  of  inferiority  ; 
it  is  normal  in  certain  animals  and  constant  in  em- 
bryonic life  ;  (4)  the  supernumerary  or  Wormien 
bones  are  frequent  in  the  region  of  the  median 
posterior  fontanelle  and  of  the  lateral  posterior 
fontanelles  ;  (5)  other  characters  are  the  Hevelop- 
ment  of  the  superciliary  ridges  with  the  efface- 
ment  or  even  frequent  depression  of  the  inter- 
mediary protuberance ;  the  development  of  the 
mastoid  apophyses.  These  characters  are  correla- 
tive with  the  great  development  of  the  temporo- 
parietal region,  which  in  turn  is  related  to  the  de- 
velopment of  the  jaw  ;  (6)  the  backward  direction 
of  the  plain  of  the  occipital  depression,  as  in  infe- 
rior races,  is  more  frequent  in  criminals.  The  under 
surface  of  the  cranium,  where  the  traces  of  the 
convolutions,   and   of  the   meningeal   vessels   are 


THE   PHYSICAL   SIDE   OF   THE    CRIMINAL.  53 

found,  has  not  been  sufficiently  studied,  to  give 
more  knowledge  concerning  encephalic  vasculari- 
zation. For  instance,  a  fossa,  situated  on  a  level  of 
the  internal  occipital  crest,  corresponding  to  an 
abnormal  development  of  the  lobe  of  the  cerebel- 
lum (occipital  fossa)  is  four  times  as  frequent  in 
criminals  as  in  ordinary  men. 

As  the  following  table  gives  the  results  from  over 
3,000  cases,  studied  by  independent  investigators, 
it  deserves  special  attention.  It  shows  the  propor- 
tion of  anomalies  found  by  Lombroso  in  66  male 
and  60  female  criminals;  also  Legge's  figures  from 
1,770  normal  craniums,  those  of  Lombroso  and 
Amodei  from  1,320  soldiers'  bodies  and  170  insane. 
One  should  note  the  distinctive  cranial  anomalies 
as  sclerosis  epactal  bone,  receding  forehead,  frontal 
sinuses,  supercilliary  ridges,  oxycephalic  craniums, 
internal  nasal  suture,  facial  asymmetry,  fusion  of  the 
atlas;  anomalies  of  the  occipital  depression  and  the 
occipital  fossa  in  men.  As  regards  sex,  the  men 
furnish  many  more  anomalies  than  the  women;  al- 
most double  the  number;  the  women  exceed  in 
platycephalic  craniums,  in  anomalies  of  the  basilary 
depression  and  of  the  frontal  apophyses  of  the 
temporal  bone  and  in  fusion  of  the  atlas  with  the 
occipital  bone. 

Lombroso  finds  in  general,  on  looking  at  the 
anomalies  as  a  whole,  a  distinctive  teratological 
character  from  the  union  of  many  anomalies  in  the 
same  cranium,  the  proportion  being  43  per  cent., 
while  simple  isolated  anomalies  only  show  21  per 
cent,     He  admits  that  atavism  does  not  explain 


54 


CRIMINOLOGY. 


the  frequent  cranial  and  facial  obliquity,  fusion 

and  the  welding  of  the  atlas  with  the  occipital 

Table  of  Asymmetry. 


Platycephalic  heads » 1 1 

Cranial  sclerosis 

Sutures  ("soudees") 

Suture  ("  metopique  ") 

Wormian  bones 

Epactal  bone 

Fusion  of  atlas  with  occipital  bone 

Middle  occipital  fossa 

Hollow  of  Civini 

Receding  forehead 

Frontal  Appophyses  of  the  tem- 
poral bone 

Superciliary   ridges    and   devel- 
oped sinuses 

Anomalies  of  lower  teeth 

Large  jaws 

Very  large  jaws 

Traces  of  the  intermaxillary  suture 

"  Oxycephalic  " 

Double  sub-or bitary  fossa 

"  Subscaphocepalic  " 

Prognatism 

Projecting  zygomaticapophyses. 

Nasal  Glabella  much  depressed. 

Platycephalic 

Asymmetry  of  the  face 

Asymmetry  of  the  teeth 

Projection  of  the  temporal  bones. 

Frontal  beak  of  the  coronal  suture 

Depression  of  the  coronal  glands. 

Wormian  bone  of  pterion 

Anomalies  of  the  occipital  fossa. . 

Feminality 

Virility 

Projection  of  the  orbital  angle  ) 
of  the  frontal  bone J 


Per 
Cent. 

90.  o 
18.0 
25.0 
9.0 
28.0 
5.0 
0.8 

4-1 
27.0 
18.0 

*.s 

25.0 

6.0 

29.0 

4-5 

52.0 

2.0 

6.0 

6.0 

34 -o 

29.0 

13-0 

iS-o 

6.0 

6.0 

27.0 

2.0 

29.0 

16.0 

2-5 

15.0 


Per 
Cent. 

42.0 
31.0 
37° 
12.0 
59 -o 
9.0 
3-o 
16.0 
15.0 
36.0 

3-4 

62.0 


37-o 
10.6 
24.0 

75 
18  o 

6.0 
34-o 
30.0 
3'«o 
22.0 
25.0 

1.0 
43 -o 

9.0 
50.0 
23.0 
10. o 

6.0 


46.0 


Per 

Cent. 


31-0 
26.0 
5-° 
46.0 
»-7 
3-2 
3.2 
8.1 
6.8 

6.6 


3.2 
25.0 


3-3 
3-3 


32.0 
7.6 


3.0 
11. S 


9.2 
7.0 


Per 
Cent. 

17.2 
17.2 

13-3 
10. o 
20.0 
6.8 

3-4 


rg.o 


0.5 
6.5 


6.9 


Per 
Cent. 


100. 
8.0 
5-i 

5-4 

26.0 


100. 
40.0 


66.0 


60.0 


80. 
18.0 
o  5 


bone  the  plagycephalic  cranium  and  exaggerated 
sclerosis. 


THE    PHYSICAL   SIDE   OF   THE    CRIMINAL.  55 

Those  anomalies  seem  to  him  to  result  from  er- 
rors in  development  of  the  foetal  cranium,  or  from 
diseases  slowly  evolving  from  the  nervous  centers. 
But  the  frequency  of  frontal  sinuses,  receding 
foreheads,  developed  superciliary  ridges  and 
sclerosis  makes  it  probable  that  men  with  such  a 
number  of  cranial  anomalies  have  parallel  anomalies 
in  intelligence  and  feelings  for  these  phenomena 
are  visible  alterations  in  volume  and  form  of  the 
intellectual  centers. 

While  one  can  find  many  asymmetrical  craniums 
among  normal  people,  and  while  certain  asymme- 
tries can  be  due  to  education,  or  to  the  alterations 
of  convolutions  through  functioual  excess  or  defect, 
due  to  physiological  or  psychological  causes;  yet 
these  occasional  causes  are  limited.  Although  one 
part  of  the  brain  can  sometimes  do  the  work  of 
another,  yet  one  lobe  can  hardly  supply  the  place 
of  another. 

Dr.  Corre's  opinion  is  that  cranial  asymmetry  in- 
dicates a  certain  state  of  perturbation  in  cerebral 
action,  and  that  when  education  cannot  remedy 
these  defects,  there  is  a  large  chance  for  the  in- 
stincts to  degenerate  into  evil  impulses,  which 
overrule  or  suppress  the  intellectual  nature  and 
develop  into  criminal  acts.  Yet  every  asymmetry  is 
not  necessarily  a  defect  of  cerebral  development. 
For,  as  suggested  above,  under  the  influence  of 
education  defect  of  function  can  be  corrected,  cov- 
ered up,  or  eradicated.  This  can  be  due  to  com- 
plex psychological  operations.  But  a  functional 
disease  would  not,  strictly  speaking,  have  a  func- 


56  CRIMINOLOGY. 

tional  compensation,  for  this  would  be  understood, 
according  to  Corre,  only  by  substitution  between 
two  regions  exactly  homogeneous.  According  to 
Corre  and  Broca,  a  certain  number  of  cranial  de- 
formations have  their  origin  in  the  brain.  Broca 
says  that  every  affection  which,  in  the  foetus  or 
young  child,  alters  gravely  the  form  of  the  ence- 
phalic mass,  produces  necessarily  a  deformity  of 
the  cranium. 

When  we  consider  the  early  surroundings  (un- 
hygienic conditions,  alcoholic  parents,  etc.)  of  the 
criminal,  where  he  may  begin  vice  as  soon  as  con- 
sciousness awakes,  malformations,  due  to  neglect 
and  rough  treatment,  are  not  surprising.  Yet 
cranial  malformation  may  be  frequently  due  to 
osteological  conditions.  But  here,  still,  hereditary 
influence  and  surrounding  conditions  in  early  life 
exert  their  power.  Many  are  scrofulous  and  rach- 
itic, which  affections  modify  the  osteological  struc- 
ture. In  its  turn,  the  cranium  forces  the  brain  to 
a  reduction  in  its  development,  and  itl  general 
nutritional  perturbations  cause  irremediable 
troubles  in  the  brain. 

Lacassagne  and  Clequet  say  that  the  head  that 
is  symmetrical  posteriorly  is  more  developed  on  the 
left  anterior  side,  and  the  head  symmetrical  anteri- 
orly is  more  developed  on  the  left  posterior  side. 
There  is  sometimes  a  tendency  to  compensation;  if 
the  predominance  is  parietal,  it  is  counterbalanced 
to  a  certain  point,  by  a  frontal  prominence  or  occipi- 
tal, or  both.  There  is  a  tendency  to  correction  by 
the  relative  development  of  certain  opposite  regions. 


THE   PHYSICAL   SIDE   OF    THE    CRIMINAL.  57 

Skeleton  and  Members. 

Homicides  show  a  strong  development  of  the 
osseous  system,  while  thieves  and  violators  have 
weak  skeletons.  The  assassins  generally  have  a 
strong  physical  organization,  but  some  of  them 
merit  the  double  epithet  of  strong  and  with  little 
intelligence.  Weight,  stature,  and  thoracic  develop- 
ment in  connection  with  small  forehead  would  put 
a  number  of  malefactors  close  to  pathological  be- 
ings, as  Cretins  and  Idiots  ;  because  in  both  cases 
there  is  often  the  same  coexistence  of  muscular 
force  and  intellectual  depression.  The  bandit  of 
the  most  brutal  kind  however  is  not  so  weak  men- 
tally, since  his  muscular  force  is  in  service  of  his 
cerebral  activity,  which,  although  incomplete,  is 
kept  awake  by  his  mode  of  life.  The  idiot,  on  the 
other  hand,  has  little  to  develop  his  mental  activity. 
Although  a  strong  physical  organization  among 
assassins  is  the  rule,  there  are  some  exceptions,  as 
in  persons  practicing  ambush,  or  where  the  victim 
is  feeble,  or  strategy  is  required.  Dr.  Corre  men- 
tions a  young  flirt  at  Paris,  who  had  assassinated 
and  robbed  several  lovers,  her  favorite  instrument 
being  the  hammer.  She  was  gentle  in  manner, 
polite,  and  of  agreeable  physique  ;  but  was  remark- 
able for  muscular  force  ;  she  always  dressed  in 
gentleman's  attire. 

The  extremities  in  criminals  are  often  deformed. 
The  hands  are  large  and  short  in  murderers  and  in 
those  condemned  for  assault  and  battery  ;  they 
are  long  and  narrow  in  thieves.  Lacassagne  found 
600  out  of  800  criminals  with  large  finger-reach. 


58  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Cerebrology. 

BraInweight. — 4.  Bischoff,  after  comparing  the 
weight  of  137  brains  of  criminals  with  422  of  nor- 
mal men,  obtained  no  striking  difference.  Lom- 
broso,  finding  an  asymmetrical  predominance  on  the 
right  in  41  per  cent.,  and  on  the  left  in  20  per  cent. 
(38  per  cent,  being  equal),  thinks  this  is  significant, 
since  in  physiological  asymmetries  the  two  sides  are 
equal.  Giacomini  found  in  42  homicides  20  with 
right  lobe  heavier,  and  18  with  the  left  lobe  heavier; 
in  the  four  others  the  two  lobes  were  equal.  Topi- 
nard  says  that  large  brains  have  less  convolutions; 
and  small  brains  more.  In  this  way  there  is  a  com- 
pensation, as  in  the  case  of  Gambetta,  whose  brain 
was  small,  but  finely  convoluted. 

Anomalies. 

Flesch,  out  of  50  brains  of  criminals,  did  not  find 
one  without  anomalies.  From  an  examination  of 
28  brains  he  found:  Alterations  of  the  meninges,  to 
the  extent  of  50  per  cent.;  adherences  of  the  pia 
mater  and  to  the  gray  substance,  4  per  cent.; 
adherences  of  the  dura  mater  to  the  gray  substance, 
6  per  cent.;  internal  hemorrhagical  pachymengitis, 
10  per  cent.;  leptomeningitis  in  young  men,  14  per 
cent.;  tubercular  meningitis  of  the  base,  1  percent.; 
oedema  of  the  pia  mater,  7  per  cent.;  altheroma  of 
the  basiliary  arteries,  8  per  cent.;  spinal  hemor- 
rhagic meningitis,  1  per  cent.;  atrophy  of  the  gray 
substance,  1  per  cent.;  cerebral  hemorrhage,  3  per 
cent.     These  anomalies  generally  were  not  accom- 


THE    PHYSICAL   SIDE   OF   THE    CRIMINAL.  59 

panied  with  the  symptoms  that  ordinarily  follow 
them. 

Lombroso  thinks  that  Saltmann,  in  his  observa- 
tions on  the  development  and  gradual  multiplica- 
tion of  the  motor  centers  of  the  cortical  substance, 
shows  how  the  brain  can  be  deeply  affected,  and  at 
the  same  time  never  manifest  the  symptoms  of  the 
disease.  In  experiments  made  on  new-born  dogs 
and  rabbits  immediately  after  birth,  electric  exci- 
tation of  the  gray  matter  is  not  capable  of  exciting 
a  movement.  But  the  centers  are  little  by  little 
distinguished,  following  the  groups  of  muscles. 
The  defeqt  of  these  centers  in  the  first  periods  of 
life  often  explain  at  that  time  how  cerebral  diseases 
can  rest  latent;  if,  for  instance,  there  is  an  arrest 
of  development  in  one  region,  the  multiplication  of 
regulative  centers  ceases,  but  as  in  foetal  life  some 
other  centers  can  perform  the  functions  of  all;  thus 
the  psychical  work,  being  less  divided,  is  imperfect, 
and  the  pathological  process  rests  dormant. 

In  92  brains  of  criminals  were  found  in  the  cen- 
tral membranes  :  Opaqueness  and  adhesions  in  10  ; 
inflammations  in  3  ;  slight  ossifications  in  diverse 
parts  in  i  ;  osteoma  in  3  ;  softening  in  3  ;  points 
of  hemorrhages  in  5  ;  arterial  degeneracy  in  4  ; 
tumors  in  3  ;  adherence  of  the  posterior  horns  in  1; 
hemorrhages  of  the  lateral  ventricles  in  2  ;  abcess 
of  cerebellum  and  cerebrum  in  2. 

Benedikt,  from  a  study  of  nineteen  brains  of 
criminals  of  different  nationalities,  finds  a  typical 
confluence  of  fissures  ;  that  is  to  say,  if  we  regard 
the  fissures  as  rivers,  floating  bodies  can  pass  into 


60  CRIMINOLOGY. 

almost  all  the  other  fissures  ;  because  bridges  be- 
tween the  fissures  are  wanting.  This  means  that 
important  brain  substance  is  wanting.  Rtidinger 
has  shown  that  brachycephalic  and  dolicocephalic 
brains  have  these  characteristics  in  foetal  life. 
Huschke  has  shown  that  negroes'  brains  belong  to 
this  type.  Thus  the  three  important  fissures  of 
the  outer  surface,  that  is  the  central  fissure,  the 
third  frontal  fissure,  and  a  portion  of  the  inter- 
parietal fissure  have  a  great  tendency  to  unite  with 
the  Sylvian  fissure,  so  that  there  results  not  only 
an  anterior  and  posterior  rising  branch,  but  also 
three  other  branches,  namely,  the  central  fissure, 
third  parietal,  and  a  portion  of  the  interparietal 
fissure.  Benedikt  says,  "  that  to  suppose  that  an 
atypically  constructed  brain  can  function  normally 
is  out  of  the  question.  What  we  do  not  know  is, 
why  such  a  brain  functions  this  way  and  not  that ; 
and  why,  under  certain  psychological  conditions, 
it  functions  just  in  this  way." 

But  Benedikt's  results  do  not  seem  to  be  con- 
firmed by  the  investigations  of  others,  For  in- 
stance, Tenchini,  after  examining  thirty-two  brains 
of  criminals  from  the  prison  of  Parma,  does  not  find 
these  peculiarities  ;  yet  he  does  find  a  greater  fre- 
quency of  cerebral  anomalies  than  in  normal  men. 

Conclusion. 

Ou*-  knowledge  of  the  criminal's  brain  as  well  as 
of  the  brain  in  general  is  very  inadequate,  and  this 
in  spite  of  the  numerous  investigations  that  have 
been  made.      The   fact    that    an    individual    has 


THE    PHYSICAL   SIDE    OF   THE    CRIMINAL.  6l 

psychical  anomalies,  and  at  the  same  time  cerebral 
or  cranial  or  both,  does  not  show  that  either  one  is 
the  cause  of  the  other,  although  it  may  justify  a 
presumption  that  they  are  in  some  way  related. 
For  such  conclusions  are  based  upon  brain  an- 
atomy rather  than  brain  physiology,  which  is  a 
field  about  which  very  little  is  known.  It  is  easy 
to  conceive  that  brain  circulation,  qualitative  and 
quantitative,  has  as  much  to  do  in  its  effect  on  the 
mind  as  anatomical  relations.  It  is,  nevertheless, 
reasonable  to  assume,  that  in  the  last  analysis 
every  physiological  irregularity  is  based  upon  an 
anatomical  one  ;  yet  the  reverse  may  be  assumed 
also.  The  probability  would  seem  to  be,  that  the 
physiological  and  anatomical  mutually  act  and 
react  one  upon  the  other ;  and  to  decide  which  is 
primary  is  wholly  beyond  our  present  knowledge. 
There  is  still  another  difficulty,  often  over- 
looked, as  to  the  relation  between  the  craninm  and 
brain.  In  embryonic  life,  it  is  quite  probable  that 
the  development  of  the  brain  has  great  influence 
upon  that  of  the  cranium,  and  it  is  possible,  later 
on  at  least,  that  the  cranium  has  equal  influence 
upon  the  brain. 

Pathology. 

In  criminals  the  constitution  is  rather  medium 
or  feeble  than  strong  or  vigorous.  On  account  of 
isolation,  regret  from  want  of  freedom,  a  wander- 
ing life  and  solitary  vices  (common  in  prisons),  the 
constitution  may  be  impaired.  On  the  other  hand, 
some  adapt  themselves  to  this  life,  which  is  calmer, 


62  CRIMINOLOGY. 

more  regular  in  regimen,  and  free  from  temptations 
to  debauch.  Yet,  on  the  whole,  the  depressive  action 
is  predominant.  Ferrus  found  in  the  prisons  of 
Milan  and  of  Clairvaux  1,455  criminals  in  good 
health  out  of  2,153  on  their  arrival,  471  with  fair 
constitutions  and  227  with  feeble;  of  the  whole 
number,  908  at  the  end  of  a  certain  time  were  in 
good  health,  379  in  fair  health,  and  579  had  notably 
run  down  in  health. 

Lauvergne  says  feeble  health  predominates  in 
thieves  in  the  galleys,  and  that  they  are  the  most 
numerous  class  there. 

In  spite  of  the  severities  of  ancient  prisons,  quite 
a  number  reach  an  advanced  age.  Out  of  252  in- 
corrigibles,  Corre  found  69  from  60  to  70  years  of 
age,  and  three  over  70.  At  Brest,  Toulon,  and 
Rochefort  in  France  (for  1843,  1849,  1853)  the  pro- 
portion of  deaths  was  an  average  of  46.1  per  thou- 
sand; for  the  same  period  in  France  the  mortality 
was  25  per  thousand.  According  to  Corre,  mortality 
increases  with  the  age  of  the  person  at  the  moment 
of  entrance,  and  augments  especially  after  the  age 
of  40.  This  latter  fact  indicates  less  power  of  adapt- 
ation to  prison  life.  The  proportion  of  mortality 
is  small  in  the  case  of  those  just  beginning  adult 
life,  who  have  scarcely  had  time  to  contract  per- 
manent habits,  or  who  while  in  liberty  have  known 
only  misery.  But  in  the  case  of  those  from  21  to 
30,  where  the  physical  and  moral  action  takes  place 
in  the  change  of  existence,  the  proportion  of  deaths 
increases  greatly;  it  increases  till  it  finds  its 
maximum    above    40,    when    the    constitution    is 


THE   PHYSICAL   SIDE   OF   THE   CRIMINAL. 


63 


weakened  by  a  premature  senility — the  result  of  an 
agitated  and  irregular  life.  Those  20  years  of 
age  or  under  show  a  maximum  mortality  in  the 
first  year  of  imprisonment;  and  this  maximum  is 
not  exceeded  in  any  other  period.  Between  20 
and  30,  deaths  are  more  frequent  from  the 
second  to  the  fifth  year  of  imprisonment;  after- 
wards the  mortality  is  affected  in  a  less  degree  by 
the  duration  of  imprisonment.  During  5  to 
20  years  of  imprisonment,  there  is  an  increase 
in  mortality  of  persons  from  30  to  40  years 
of  age.  Among  the  condemned  after  40  years, 
the  deaths  are  according  to  conditions  of  age 
rather  than  duration  of  imprisonment. 

In  the  marine  hospital  at  Brest,  from  1844  to 
1846,  200  deaths  took  place,  the  following  table1 
gives  the  data: 


a 

e 

Jj 

2&t 

U    0   w, 

S  v  3 

a  a 
0  V 

By 

«>CJ 
0  u 

•SPhU. 

■,-WB. 

2ft. 

u 

U 

< 

15.5 

14.8 

3i-5 

8.4 

22.2 

10. s 

10.3 

22.2 

5-2 

4-5 

35-7 

33-3 

3i-5 

14.9 

7-4 

10.  s 

Pyrexial   diseases 

Constitutional  diseases 

Diseases  of  nervous  centers. 

Diseases  of  heart  and  large  ) 
vessels ( 

Diseases  of  the  respiratory  I 
organs [ 

Diseases  of  the  digestive  j 
organs i 


Almost  wholly  of  the 
brain. 

Almost  wholly  of  the 
heart. 

Pulmonary  predomi- 
nance. 

Almost  wholly  intes- 
tinal. 


1  Corre,  "  Les  Criminels." 


The  cases  of  pyrexia  are  to  a  large  extent  ty- 
phoid.    In  France  it  has  been  found  that  the  hy- 


64 


CRIMINOLOGY. 


gienic  conditions  are  much  better  in  the  prisons  than 
in  caserns,  so  that  the  per  cent,  of  mortality  is  con- 
siderably higher  among  soldiers  and  sailors  than 
among  criminals.  The  convicts  show  a  very  low 
per  cent,  of  mortality  in  pyrexia,  but  a  high  mor- 
tality in  constitutional  affections,  owing  to  alco- 
holism and  a  maximum  of  phthisical  diseases. 
The  young  criminals  give  a  large  percentage  of 
mortality  in  nervous  diseases. 


Diseases. 

Workmen 

and 
Guards. 
Per  cent. 

Convicts. 
Per  cent. 

Soldiers. 
(Adults.) 
Per  cent. 

Sailors. 

(Adults  and 

adolescents.) 

Per  cent. 

Constitutional.. 

Digest'eorg'ns8 
No.  of  deaths.. 

ii. 4 
8.0 
ii. 4 

4-5 

49-7 

8.o 

87 

12. s 
12. s 

62.5 
6.2 

16 

46.2 

2.1 

6.4 

I.O 

14.0 

27.8 

96 

36.0 

IS- 1 
I.I 

27.9 

12.7 

86 

1  Mostly  brain  diseases.    Predominance  of   meningitis  among  young 
criminals.    3  Almost  wholly  stomachal  and  intestinal. 

Among  the  workmen  and  guards  many  were 
advanced  in  age.  Among  free  persons  these 
diseases  are  rather  hemorrhagic ;  or  there  is 
softening  of  the  brain  from  age  or  intemperate 
habits.  The  nervous  diseases  reach  a  maximum 
mortality  among  those  condemned  for  crimes 
against  decency  or  violation,  while  for  crimes 
against  property,  their  percentage  is  only  10.3  per 
cent.,  and  5.2  per  cent,  for  attacks  on  life.  Sexual 
crime  most  ordinarily  arises  from  an  unhealthy 
passion  ;  the  frequency  of  cranial  asymmetries  has 
already  been  referred  to  in  this  class  of  criminals. 

Among  women   criminals  of  all  categories  the 


THE   PHYSICAL   SIDE   OF   THE    CRIMINAL.  65 

percentage  of  mortality  is  high,  especially  where 
hard  labor  is  required;  so  that  woman  shows  a  less 
resistance  in  constitution  as  far  as  crime  is  con- 
cerned. The  following  table  gives  the  proportion 
of  mortality  in  the  central  prisons  (Tardiu) : 


Men. 

Women. 

Per  cent. 

Per  cent. 

Condemned  to  hard  labor  . 

•  5-79 

7-79 

Condemned  to  seclusion     . 

.         .  5.16 

7-36 

Condemned  for  correction  .         . 

•  534 

5-55 

Condemned  to  chains  . 

.  3.28 

Out  of  1,319  deaths  in  the  central  prisons,  345 
were  from  acute  maladies  :  247  men  and  78  women; 
974  were  from  chronic  maladies :  769  men  and  205 
women.  It  is  found  that  farmers,  soldiers,  sailors 
vagabonds,  and  beggars  give  a  much  larger  death 
rate  when  in  the  prisons  for  life  than  those  engaged 
in  other  occupations;  those  in  the  liberal  profes- 
sions show  a  lower  rate  of  mortality;  then  follow 
those  in  diverse  sedentary  callings,  inhabitants  of 
the  city  for  the  most  part. 

Dr.  Castello  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
prostitutes,  who  furnish  a  large  number  of  crimi- 
nals, are  cardiopathic,and  have  affections  connected 
with  the  cerebral-spinal  regions.  As  to  the  resist- 
ance and  morbidity  of  criminals  of  all  races,  trans- 
ported far  from  home,  there  are  two  conditions : 
(1)  where  they  are  placed  as  free  among  a  popu- 
lation not  much  better  than  themselves;  an  agglom- 
eration by  selection  or  by  intermingling  of  the 
races  is  formed,  where  characteristics  tend  to 
mingle.  (2)  The  condition  where  the  criminals 
5 


•d  from 

Died  of 

ilaria. 

yellow  fever. 

•r  cent. 

Per  cent. 

18.1 

46.6 

38.1 

4-5 

14.3 

0.5 

29.7 

2.4 

16.5 

3-3 

13.5 

5-4 

66  CRIMINOLOGY. 

are  gradually   allowed   to  mingle  with  the  non- 
criminal.    Orgeas  gives  this  table  : 


Free  Europeans  .... 
Transported  Europeans 
Negroes  and  Mulattoes        .        . 
Transported  Negroes  . 
Transported  Hindoos  or  immigrants 
Chinese  and  Anamites         . 


According  to  the  annual  statistics  of  France  for 
1887,  out  of  24,170  introduced  into  Guiana  from 
1852  to  1883  (31  years),  12,148  died,  and  3,140  dis- 
appeared or  escaped. 

The  figures  are  encouraging  as  far  as  acclimata- 
tion  is  concerned;  reform  by  colonization  in  healthy 
climates  as  in  New  Caledonia  is  favorable.  For 
the  period  from  1865-75,  the  mortality  of  those 
transported  was  3.7  per  cent.  From  1879  to  1882, 
in  spite  of  the  enormous  increase  of  number,  the 
mortality  fell  to  2.5  per  cent. 

Criminality  and  prostitution  often  go  pari-passu. 
The  frequency  of  anomalies  and  morbid  states 
among  prostitutes  is  found  among  certain  cate- 
gories of  criminals.  In  prostitutes  and  in  many 
criminals  the  voice  is  hoarse  and  masculine.  This 
is,  however,  a  result  of  complex  habits,  of  which 
alcoholism  is  the  main  cause  perhaps.  There  ex- 
ist also  the  relations  between  the  development  of 
the  vocal  and  genital  organs,  perhaps  a  reciprocal 
relation,  as  has  been  shown  in  certain  cases. 
Among  singers  and  declaimers  the  genital  organs 


THE   PHYSICAL   SIDE   OF   THE    CRIMINAL.  67 

are  much  developed,  and  also  Lesbian  tastes  are 
frequently  present. 

Pathological  Anatomy. 

In  50  autopsies,  Flesch  found  20  per  cent, 
which  showed  affections  of  the  heart  so  grave  as  to 
be  the  cause  of  death;  on  calculating  the  acci- 
dental affections  of  the  pericardium  and  endocar- 
dium, the  mortality  was  50  per  cent.  In  these 
affections  criminals  resemble  the  insane. 

Comparing  the  lesions  in  normal  and  insane 
people  as  given  by  Hagen,  we  have  the  following 
table: 


Hypertrophy  of  the  heart 

Atrophy  of  the  heart 

Fatty  degeneration  of  the  heart 

Valvular  insufficiency  of  the  heart 

Pericardic  adherence 

Affection  of  the  heart  in  general 

From  this  table  a  valvular  insufficiency  in  the 
criminals  is  quite  marked  (17  per  cent.);  atrophy 
(11  per  cent.)  and  a  close  analogy  to  the  insane  in 
hypertrophy  as  compared  with  the  normal  should 
be  noted.  Mendel  (Die  Manii  1881)  shows  that 
the  cardiac  affections  in  maniacs  is  from  3.4  to  14 
percent,  and  5.5  per  cent,  in  dementia.  Witkowski 
has  found  in  cardio-pathological  cases  that  pride, 
egoism,  uneasiness,  a  tendency  to  impetuous  acts 
and  violent  manifestations  against  self  or  others, 
especially  in  the  case  of  those  attacked  with  ven- 
tricular hypertrophy,  are  of  great  influence. 


Normal. 

Insane. 

Criminal. 

Per  cent. 

Per  cent. 

Per  cent. 

.   16 

10 

II 

.       1.2 

3-1 

II 

.       3-6 

M 

9 

t.     3-1 

3-6 

17 

.     2.1 

2.9 

2 

•  25 

26 

50 

68  CRIMINOLOGY. 

D'Astros,  from  a  study  of  39  cases  of  cardiac 
troubles,  concludes  that  in  general  they  manifest  a 
character  inclined  to  mental  alterations.  The 
aortic  lesion  causes  subsiding  (more  or  less  pro- 
nounced) of  the  psychical  powers  and  a  neuro- 
pathological  state  that  may  develop  into  hysteria; 
mitral  lesions  predispose  to  melancholia,  and  to 
attacks  of  violence.  In  cardiac  insanity,  depres- 
sion, melancholia,  delirium  with  hallucinations, 
with  short  oscilations,  especially  in  attacks  of 
asystolia  in  impulsive  forms,  are  frequent.  The 
close  connection  between  psychical  acts  and  the 
circulation  of  the  blood  is  shown  by  the  sphygmo- 
graph.  Rindfleisch  says  that  pathological  anatomy 
indicates  that  the  anatomical  basis  of  the  mental 
affections  is  essentially  an  anomaly  in  the  distri- 
bution of  the  blood  and  consequences  that  follow. 

Liver. 
Out  of  50  autopsies,  Flesch  found  the  liver  nor- 
mal in  six  cases  only.  Fifteen  had  infiltration  and 
fatty  degeneracy  (29.4  percent.);  5  had  atrophy,and 
6  suffered  from  "  brunes "  (9.8  per  cent.) ;  5  had 
hyperaemia  with  billious  stagnation  (9.8  per  cent.); 
5  tuberculous,  2  with  fatty  infiltration  (9.8  per 
cent);  5  cirrhosis  (9.8  per  cent);  1  hypertrophy 
(1.9  per  cent.);  4  nutmeg  livers  (7.8  per  cent.). 
Hepatic  affections  predominate  in  criminals;  alco- 
holism explains  it  in  part. 

Stomach. 
In  35  autopsies  were  found  8  catarrhs,  2  disten- 
sionst  4  cancers,  3  hyperaemia,  1  dilitation,  1  round 


THE   PHYSICAL   SIDE   OF   THE   CRIMINAL.  69 

ulcer,  and  16  normal.  In  8,204  autopsies  at  the  hospi- 
tal of  Milan,  Lombroso  found  cancer  in  156  cases 
(1.9  per  cent.);  cancer  of  liver  in  0.5  per  cent.  This 
is  a  fifth  less  than  in  the  criminals  examined  by 
Flesch.  Knecht,  out  of  1,214  German  criminals, 
found:  23  cases  of  goitre  and  cardiac  hypertrophy, 
146  cases  of  hernia,  51  cases  of  congenital  phymosis, 
29  cases  of  arrested  devolopment  of  testicles  or 
penis,  2  cases  of  epispadias  and  5  cases  of  "  hypo- 
spadis." 

Congenital  phymosis  is  frequently  the  cause  of 
onanism  in  the  young.  This  arrest,  coincident 
ordinarily  with  a  feminine  development,  is  often 
the  "  apanage  "  of  the  passive  pederasts,  which  is 
common  in  young  vagabonds  and  petty  thieves. 


CHAPTER  III. 

PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CRIMINALS. 
General  Sensibility. 

It  is  generally  admitted  that  sensibility  is  less 
among  criminals.  Lombroso  finds  proof  in  the 
extent  of  their  tattooing;  but  the  criminals  permit 
also  this  custom  as  a  guarantee  of  their  reputation; 
they  can  manifest  a  stoicism  about  it;  this  resist- 
ance of  the  flesh  can  have  as  cause  a  hypnotic 
state,  as  with  ecstatic  martyrs,  or  with  witches  who 
die  crying  that  they  do  not  feel  the  flames.  The 
galley  slaves  dread  suffering  even  more  than  dead 
(Corre).  We  shall  see  that  from  this  physical  in- 
sensibility comes  in  great  part  moral  insensibility. 
Lombroso  and  Marro  find  general  sensibility  one- 
sixth  less,  and  sensibility  to  pain  two-fifths  less  than 
in  the  average  person.  Touch  is  obtuse  in  44  per 
cent,  of  criminals,  while  among  non-criminals  it  is 
29  per  cent  Athough  the  sense  of  touch  is  almost 
normal  in  swindlers  and  thieves,  it  is  always  less  in 
murderers. 

Meteoric  Sensibility. — The  criminals  are  more 
under  the  influence  of  the  weather  than  ordinary 
men.  Lombroso  found  this  the  case  in  29  out  of 
112;  9  were  quarrelsome  just  before  a  thunder 
shower;  many  were  dizzy,  had  buzzing  in  the  ears, 
and  headache  on  very  windy  days. 


PSYCHOLOGY  OF  CRIMINALS.  7 1 

Sight. — Dr.  Bono  found  60  per  eent.  of  221  young 
criminals  color  blind,  which  is  more  than  double 
that  of  800  students  and  of  590  workmen.  Holm- 
gren found  the  same  proportion.  Biliakow  found 
50  per  cent,  of  100  murderers  color  blind;  among 
normal  Russians  there  were  not  more  than  4.6  per 
cent. 

Schmitz  shows  that  55  per  cent,  of  those  dis- 
tinguishing colors  with  difficulty  are  subject  lo 
grosser  nervous  diseases,  as  epilepsy,  chorea,  etc. 

Hearing. — Biliakow  found  dullness  in  hearing 
predominant  in  the  left  ear. 

Sometimes  the  criminals  pretend  to  be  more 
feeble  than  they  really  are.  A  common  character 
is  agility,  especially  among  thieves,  some  of  whom 
have  the  spryness  of  the  monkey;  they  climb  the 
most  slender  trees,  and  jump  upon  the  roof  and 
thus  enter  the  house. 

Left-handedness. — We  give  a  comparative  table 
(Lombroso)  of  133  criminals  and  117  young  men: 

Criminals.  Normal. 

Per  cent.  Per  cent. 

Maximum  force  of  left  hand  ....  23  14 

Maximum  force  of  right  hand        ...  67  70 

Maximum  force  of  equal  of  both  hands          .     9  14 

From  another  table  of  261  condemned  criminals: 

Criminals  by  occasion      .        .     9  oat  of  96  were  left-handed. 

Criminals  by  nature          .         .  28  "  MS  "  " 

Forgers  and  dextrous  criminals  to  "  34  "  " 

Thieves 10  "  141  "  " 

Murderers        ....     4  "  52  "  " 

Violators.         ....     I  "  10  "  * 

Women  criminals    ...  10  "  44  "  " 


7»  CRIMINOLOGY. 

In  a  large  number  of  cases  sensibility  is  duller 
on  the  right  than  on  the  left  side  ;  there  is  a  pre- 
dominance of  cranium  and  brain  on  the  right  side 
in  criminals  ;  it  is  generally  admitted  that  left- 
handedness  is  the  result  of  the  superiority  of  the 
right  hemisphere.  Broca,  Ogle,  and  Jackson  have 
remarked  that  in  aphasia  on  the  left,  the  frontal 
convolutions  on  the  right  show  more  extravasa- 
tions. Dr.  Lepine  mentions  cases  of  left-handed 
people  with  lesions  in  the  left  frontal  convolutions 
who  did  not  have  aphasia.  When  a  left-handed 
person  is  suspected  and  treated  as  inauspicious,  he 
naturally  exaggerates  this  fact.  The  idea  of  swin- 
dling is  associated  with  left-handedness  in  Lom- 
bardy  and  Germany  (Linker). 

Corre  remarks  that  with  right-handed  people, 
not  only  the  right  hands,  but  the  teeth  on  the 
right  side  are  more  developed  ;  while  the  teeth  on 
the  left  side  show  less  vitality,  and  more  of  a  ten- 
dency to  decay. 

There  is  a  superiority  among  forgers  and  those 
criminals  where  cleverness  is  necessary  ;  14.3  per 
cent,  are  left-handed  among  the  men,  22  per  cent, 
among  the  women.  Out  of  771  ordinary  women, 
only  4.3  per  cent.,  and  out  of  238  workmen,  5.8  per 
cent,  are  left-handed  ;  among  the  insane,  4  13  per 
cent,  to  4.27  per  cent.  (Tiberius  was  left-handed 
according  to  Tacitus.) 

Anomalies  of  Mobility. — Virgilio  in  194  cases 
of  chronic  diseases  found  a  proportionally  large 
number  of  epileptics ;  also  ataxia  and  chorea 
(especially  in  thieves  as  compared  with  homicides) 


PSYCHOLOGY    OF   CRIMINALS.  73 

were  frequent  affections.  Clark  finds  crirhe  among 
11  per  cent,  of  common  epileptics. 

Blushing. — Twice  as  many  criminals  as  insane 
are  incapable  of  blushing,  according  to  Amadei, 
Tonninni,  and  Bergesio.  It  is  admitted  that  the 
Chinese  and  the  Malays  blush  little  ;  the  Hin- 
doos rarely,  and  the  South  Americans  also  lit- 
tle. Of  98  criminal  young  men,  44  per  cent,  did 
not  blush  ;  of  122  female  criminals,  81  per  cent, 
did  not  blush  when  examined  by  Pasini  and  Lorn- 
broso. 

Andromico  did  not  find  one  among  regular,  legal 
prostitutes  who  blushed  when  asked  as  to  her 
trade  or  profession  ;  one,  however,  blushed  when 
reproached  as  to  acts  contrary  to  nature. 

In  the  house  of  detention,  the  homicides  related 
their  deeds  openly  and  without  blushing  ;  those 
who  had  poisoned  their  husbands,  blushed  a  little. 
Those  condemned  for  theft  blushed  to  the  ears 
first,  and  then  in  the  face ;  but  the  prostitutes 
among  these  gave  no  sign  of  blushing. 

Sphygmographv  — In  the  study  of  the  reactions 
of  the  vessels  in  relation  with  the  phenomenon  of 
thought,  the  robust  but  habitual  criminals,  and 
criminals  by  occasion,  gave  hardly  any  vascular 
reaction  ;  here  are  some  examples  from  Lom- 
broso  : 

Ausano. — Large  jaw,  tattooed,  receding  fore- 
head, born  of  inebriate  and  neuoropathic  parents, 
thief  from  infancy,  never  reacted  at  the  sound  of 
music,  or  discharge  of  a  pistol,  or  when  under  the 
impression  of  painful  things,  or  under  the  influence 


74  CRIMINOLOGY. 

of  calculation  ;  but  wine  produced  an  elevation  of 
18  pulsations. 

Rafallo. — Twenty-six  years  of  age,  regular  phys- 
iognomy, laughs  easily,  inventor  of  a  glass  washer, 
speaks  the  slang,  says  he  steals  to  procure  money  for 
speculation;  the  photograph  of  "une  femme-nue  " 
produced  a  reaction  for  the  first  time  ;  but  grad- 
ually less  afterwards,  a  painful  current  made  no 
variation. 

Dalza. — Thirty  years  of  age ;  had  an  insane 
uncle  ;  straight  until  24  ;  afterwards  thief  ;  at  the 
age  of  12,  had  cerebral  affections  ;  had  receding 
forehead,  atheroma,  large  jaw,  and  was  much 
tattooed.  A  strong  electric  current  provoked,  after 
8  pulsations,  a  descending  curve  ;  a  wounding  of 
his  vanity  caused  a  sudden  rising  of  9  pulsations  ; 
calculation  caused  a  rise,  then  a  fall  after  the  4th 
pulsation  continuing  until  the  16th. 

Ayliate. — Thief,  habitual  backslider,  and  very 
young  ;  sad  music  diminished  the  pulsations,  gay 
music  increased  them,  no  reaction  from  calculation 
or  from  pricking  ;  the  revolver  increased  the  pul- 
sations ;  vanity  produced  the  same  result  ;  the 
thought  of  the  electric  machine  lowered  the  pulse 
a  little  ;  on  another  day  neither  pistol,  dagger, 
wine,  nor  the  head  of  a  dead  person  produced  a 
defined  effect  ;  vanity  raised  the  line  during  12  pul- 
sations without  modifying  their  number. 

Prato  Teonesto. — Seventeen  years  of  age;  son  of  an 
alcoholic  ;  with  criminal  type  ;  at  5  he  stole  wine 
from  his  father's  cellar;  later  he  struck  through  jeal- 
ousy  one  of  his   companions  ;  abused    wine   and 


PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CRIMINALS-  75 

women  ;  prison  was  not  tiresome  to  him,  in  fact  he 
felt  first-rate  there.  Sad  music  lowered  the  line 
with  diminution  of  pulsations.  Photograph  of 
"  une  femme-nue  "  lowered  the  pulse,  loosened  it, 
and  after  a  short  elevation  lowered  the  line.  Mul- 
tiplying 4  by  12  produced  a  slight  diminution  of 
pulse  ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  sight  of  wine  or 
flattered  vanity  raised,  then  lowered,  the  line  of  the 
pulse. 

Reazzo. — Swindler  ;  24  years  of  age,  simulated 
monomania,  affected  that  he  had  two  heads,  and 
some  mice  in  his  stomach  ;  composer  of  obscene 
recitations  ;  a  good  pulse  ;  no  reaction  with  the 
most  painful  electric  current ;  the  sentence  pro- 
nounced :  "  Here  is  a  judge  who  wishes  to  see  thee," 
made  a  notable  depression. 

Roggero. — Young  soldier,  honest,  imprisoned  for 
wounding  in  a  row,  gave  an  extraordinary  reaction 
to  painful  electric  current,  lowering  the  line  ;  cal- 
culation produced  a  depression  at  the  3d  pulsation. 

In  all  such  experiments  exact  results  are  not 
looked  for,  as  the  causes  that  influence  vascular 
reaction  are  so  numerous.  The  absence  of  reaction 
in  ten  of  Lombroso's  cases,  with  the  painful  electric 
current,  would  indicate  analgesia,  when  the  stimu- 
lus does  not  reach  the  psychical  centers.  In  the 
cases  of  the  fear  of  the  judge  or  the  wine,  or  espe- 
cially vanity,  the  reactions  were  superior  to  the 
normal,  and  indicate  that  pleasure,  vanity,  and 
fear  of  pain  have  more  power  than  pain  itself;  another 
indication  is,  that  those  who  are  insensible  to  cer- 
tain sorts  of  impression  are  liable  to  be  less  sensi- 


76  CRIMINOLOGY. 

ble  to  others.  The  reflex  knee-pan  action  was 
normal  in  47  cases  out  of  100,  abnormal  in  53, 
and  in  some  often  enfeebled. 

Violators  show  a  contingent  minimum  of  feeble 
reflexes,  and  a  contingent  mean  of  exaggerated 
reflexes.  Thieves  rise  a  little  above  the  general 
average  in  feeble  reflexes,  and  are  a  little  inferior 
in  exaggerated  reflexes.  Rogues,  cheats,  and 
knaves  show  a  notable  excess  either  of  feeble 
reflexes  or  of  exaggerated  reflexes;  the  same  thing 
is  observed  among  highway  robbers.  Murderers 
and  sluggards  furnish  a  contingent  of  feeble  and 
exaggerated  reflexes.  An  inferior  vasomotor  activ- 
ity is  put  in  evidence  by  such  methods  as  inhaling 
of  nitrite  of  amyle,  or  producing  blushing  by  a 
reprimand;  but  this  procedure  is  more  or  less  con- 
testable. Without  attaching  too  much  importance 
to  details,  it  may  be  said  that  among  criminals 
there  is  an  imperfection  of  sensitive  activity  of  dif- 
ferent degrees  (Corre).  It  is  known  how  indiffer- 
ent the  negroes  and  savages  are  to  pain;  negroes 
cut  the  hand  laughing  in  order  to  escape  work; 
Indians,  when  tortured  by  fire,  sing  gaily  the 
praises  of  their  tribe;  in  their  initiations  the  red- 
skins endure  without  complaint  what  would  kill  a 
civilized  man;  they  are  suspended  on  a  hook  from 
a  beam  in  the  wigwam,  head  downward,  in  the 
midst  of  a  thick  smoke.  This  should  be  remembered 
in  connection  with  the  insensibility  to  tattooing; 
with  the  custom  of  cutting  the  fingers,  the  lips,  or 
of  crushing  the  teeth  as  a  sign  of  mourning  in 
funeral  ceremonies. 


PSYCHOLOGY    OF   CRIMINALS.  77 

Longevity. — Some  criminals  live  to  be  80  or  90 
years  of  age.  Settembrini  has  given  the  following 
table:  Out  of  631,  227  were  more  than  40  years  of 
age;  203  were  from  30  to  40  years  of  age;  201  were 
under  40  years  of  age.  Corre  thinks  that  the  want 
of  sensibility  in  criminals  gives  a  hint  as  to  their 
longevity  and  vitality. 

Effects  of  Insensibility. 

Moral  insensibility  is  as  great  as  physical  in 
criminals.  Although  the  criminal  is  not  entirely 
devoid  of  moral  feeling,  he  has  certainly  much 
less  of  it  than  normal  persons.  Pity  for  the  suffer- 
ing of  others  is  the  sentiment  that  first  becomes 
feeble,  if  not  extinct,  in  the  criminal.  In  order  to 
obtain  a  real  insight  into  the  criminal  himself,  we 
can  do  no  better  than  give  some  of  the  words  and 
acts  of  the  criminals  themselves  as  related  by  Lom- 
broso.  Here  is  one  on  coldly  telling  of  the  fatal 
blow  which  killed  his  wife,  said  he  asked  her  par- 
don for  it,  but  she  refused  him.  Another,  on  whom 
the  view  of  the  dying  victim  had  no  effect  says,  "  I 
kill  a  man  just  as  I  drink  a  glass  of  wine."  Another 
kills  his  mother  with  fifty  cuts  from  a  knife;  be- 
coming fatigued,  he  throws  himself  on  the  bed 
near  by  and  sleeps  peacefully.  A  normal  man, 
pushed  into  crime  by  passion  or  by  unexpected 
circumstances,  would  have  made  efforts  to  conceal 
his  murder.  One  adorns  the  body  of  his  wife  as 
if  for  a  wedding,  places  it  on  the  table  between 
him  and  the  two  grave-diggers,  and  in  this  posi- 
tion the  three  eat  their  repast.     Another,  having 


-X^J 


78  CRIMINOLOGY. 

cut  his  brother  up  into  pieces,  and  not  wishing  to 
be  interrupted  at  his  dinner,  when  they  brought 
the  members  of  his  victim  to  him,  said:  "They  are 
much  better  there  than  in  my  stomach ";  and 
when  threatened  with  the  guillotine,  he  replied, 
"  You  can  divide  me  into  two,  but  not  into  six,  as 
I  have  done  to  this  one."  One,  whose  brother  was 
being  executed,  stole  a  purse  and  four  watches, 
and  said,  "  What  a  misfortune  that  my  brother  is 
not  here  to  have  his  share!" 

Some  speak  so  coldly  and  unconcernedly  of  their 
crimes  in  court  that  they  would  be  taken  for  wit- 
nesses rather  than  authors  of  their  deeds.  One,  a 
few  hours  before  his  execution,  asks  for  a  boiled 
chicken,  and  eats  it  all  with  a  good  appetite.  An- 
other, from  the  three  executioners,  desires  to 
choose  his  "  Professor."  One  reminds  the  priest 
(preaching  to  him  repentance)  of  the  bottle  of 
wine  which  he  had  promised  him  fifteen  days  be- 
fore; and  when  on  the  point  of  mounting  the 
scaffold,  the  last  and  only  thing  which  he  recom- 
mended to  his  wife  who  was  his  accomplice,  was  to 
give  him  credit  for  thirty-seven  francs.  While  one 
was  being  executed,  his  accomplice,  who  was  to 
follow,  arranged  his  hair  quietly.  A  former  exe- 
cutioner (about  to  be  guillotined)  seeing  that  the 
instrument  of  death  was  not  well  arranged,  fixed 
it,  disposed  the  block  into  a  convenient  position, 
and  quietly  placed  his  head  upon  it. 

There  are  many  curious  things  related  as  to  the 
last  hour:  An  assassin,  while  his  head  was  already 
on  the  block,  hearing    his    accomplice    complain, 


PSYCHOLOGY   OF    CRIMINALS.  79 

said  to  him:  "  Do  not  forget  that  by  accident  we 
were  subject  to  one  more  disease."  An  execu- 
tioner, not  being  able  to  seize  the  neck  of  one  having 
the  goiter,  excused  himself,  swearing  that  that  had 
never  happened  to  him  ;  "  Nor  to  me  either,"  re- 
plied the  culprit.  Another  complains  of  the  bad 
conditions  of  the  street  through  which  he  passed 
on  his  way  to  execution.  A  savant  said  on  the 
scaffold,  pointing  his  finger  at  the  ax  and  at  the 
block,  "  Here  is  Alpha  and  Omega,  and  thou,  exe- 
cutioner, art  Beta." 

One  who  smoked  his  cigar  on  hearing  his  death 
sentence  read,  said:  "I  smoke  this  cigar  with  pre- 
meditation and  lying  in  wait."  Another  was  oc- 
cupied with  his  unedited  works.  Another  gives 
lessons  in  hygiene  to  the  jailors.  Another  replies 
to  the  executioner,  who  hurried  him,  saying  the 
hour  was  advanced:  "  Be  not  fearful,  they  will  not 
commence  without  me." 

Insensibility  is  shown  by  the  frequency  of  mur- 
ders after  an  execution  at  which  the  murderers  had 
been  witnesses,  by  the  nicknames  given  to  instru- 
ments of  execution  and  to  executioners,  by  recita- 
tions where  the  favorite  subject  is  the  death  pen- 
alty. Lombroso  considers  these  facts  as  one  of  the 
most  powerful  arguments  in  favor  of  abolishing 
the  death  penalty,  because  it  turns  from  crime 
fewer  individuals  than  it  leads  into  crime,  owing  to 
the  law  of  imitation,  which  has  such  force  over  the 
masses ;  this  species  of  horrible  charm  attracts  the 
crowd  around  the  victims  of  justice  ;  this  doleful 
and  solemn  show,  so   appropriate    to    please  the 


80  CRIMINOLOGY. 

vanity  of  other  evil-doers,  goes  so  far  as  to  give 
veneration  to  the  bodies  of  the  executed,  as  sacred 
relics.  Out  of  167  condemned  to  death  in  Eng- 
land, 164  had  been  present  at  executions.  While 
many  criminals  show  extraordinary  courage,  owing 
much  to  this  insensibility,  the  majority  of  evil  doers 
are  cowards  when  the  excitement  is  over  and  they 
find  themselves  in  unexpected  peril.  The  chief  of 
police  of  Ravenna  learned  that  a  dangerous 
assassin  had  boasted  that  he  would  kill  him  ;  the 
chief  of  police  sent  for  the  assassin,  put  a  pistol  in 
his  hand  and  invited  him  to  shoot  him  ;  the 
assassin  immediately  began  to  turn  pale  and 
tremble. 

It  is  probable  that  acts  of  courage  on  the  part  of 
criminals  are  often  due  to  their  insensibility  and 
to  a  childish  impetuosity  which  hides  the  danger 
and  makes  them  blind  when  they  have  a  purpose 
to  reach  or  a  passion  to  satisfy.  This  insensibility 
and  the  gravity  of  the  death  of  others  and  their  own, 
in  connection  with  their  strong  passions,  explain  a 
frequent  disproportion  between  the  crime  and  its 
motive;  thus,  one  kills  his  comrade  because  he  snores 
too  loud;  or  because  he  refuses  to  black  his  boots; 
or  a  quarrel  for  five  centimes  ends  in  assassination. 
This  moral  insensibility  indicates  why  cruelty  is 
found  so  often  among  persons  who  seem  at  times  ac- 
cessible to  goodness.  Aberration  of  feeling  charac- 
terizes the  criminal  and  the  insane;  and  a  high  de- 
gree of  intelligence  can  be  found  with  a  tendency  to 
crime  or  insanity.  This  accords  with  the  fact  that 
the  alterations  of  the  face  and  eyes  are  more  frequent 


PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CRIMINALS.  8 1 

than  those  of  the  cranium.  The  anomalies  of  in- 
telligence are  more  in  relation  with  those  of  the 
cranium,  and  the  anomalies  of  the  feeling  more 
with  those  of  the  face  and  especially  the  eyes. 

Sentiments. 

Among  criminals  many  good  sentiments  are 
wanting,  but  some  remain.  Troppmann,  after  hav- 
ing killed  an  entire  family  wept  on  hearing  the 
name  of  his  mother.  Some  love  their  wives  and 
children.  La  Sala,  who  said  she  loved  cats  more 
than  her  children,  and  who  caused  her  lover  to  be 
assassinated,  had  a  passion  for  her  accomplice,  and 
passed  many  nights  in  true  charity  work  at  the  beds 
of  the  dying.  Another  after  killing  a  man  risked 
his  life  in  order  to  safe  a  cat  which  was  about  to 
be  precipitated  from  a  roof  (Memoires  de  Claude, 
xxi.).  Another  commits  murder  in  order  to  enrich 
his  wife  and  child  whom  he  loves.  Parent-Ducha- 
telet  has  shown  that  some  prostitutes  support  their 
aged  parents  and  companions;  some  also  have  an 
extreme  passion  for  their  lovers  in  spite  of  blows 
and  cruel  treatment  from  them. 

Instability. 

Instability  is  always  present  in  some  form  in 
criminals.  A  certain  criminal  confessed  to  Lom- 
broso  in  these  words:  "  The  cause  of  my  crimes  is 
a  too  great  propensity  for  friendship;  I  cannot  see 
one  of  my  friends  offended,  even  if  he  is  far  away, 
without  raising  my  hands  to  avenge  him."  One 
pushed  to  his  first  murder  by  excessive  love  of  his 
mistress,  killed  her  a  little  time  afterwards,  because 
6 


82  CRIMINOLOGY. 

she  reproached  him.  Another  loved  his  mother 
passionately,  but  in  a  fit  of  anger  threw  her  from 
the  balcony.  One  had  loved  a  woman  for  many 
years,  but  two  months  after  his  marriage,  he 
desired  to  get  rid  of  her.  Prostitutes  allow 
their  paramours  to  strike  them  till  blood  comes; 
but  later  the  least  pretext  can  estrange  them. 
Parent-Duchatelet  found  some  who  had  changed 
the  tattooed  initials  of  their  paramours  thirty 
times. 

Vanity. 

Vanity  increases  inversely  with  merit.  While 
sufficiently  developed  in  artists  and  litterateurs,  it 
reaches  its  highest  stage  in  criminals.  La  Gala 
inscribed  in  his  cell'  "To-day,  March  24th,  La 
Gala  has  learned  to  make  stockings."  Lacenaire 
was  affected  much  more  by  the  criticism  of  his  bad 
verses  than  by  his  death  sentence.  One  of  the 
most  common  causes  of  modern  crimes  is  to  satisfy 
vanity,  to  shine  in  the  world,  "to  cut  a  figure." 
A  criminal  and  his  mistress  killed,  one  his  wife,  the 
other  her  husband,  and  married  one  another  in 
order  to  save  "  their  reputation  in  the  world." 

Sometimes  an  extreme  vanity  about  being  out  of 
debt  has  led  to  murder.  When  a  noted  thief  wears 
a  certain  kind  of  vest  or  cravat,  his  associates  adopt 
his  style.  With  the  majority  of  criminals  there  is 
no  blushing;  to  say  of  one  that  he  is  a  "  skirmisher  " 
— that  is,  an  assassin — is  a  great  compliment.  A 
certain  priest  of  fine  and  gentle  spirit,  respected 
by  all,  was  murdered;  none  could  account  for  it; 


PSYCHOLOGY   OF    CRIMINALS.  83 

it  was  afterward  found  that  a  very  young  man, 
pointing  the  priest  out  to  his  comrades,  killed  him 
simply  to  show  his  courage  and  criminal  virility. 
The  criminal  is  proud  of  his  strength,  beauty, 
courage,  riches  wrongly  acquired  and  of  short 
duration,  and  of  his  success  in  crime.  As  in  most 
classes,  the  criminals  have  their  aristocracy.  Their 
bands  are  jealous  of  one  another.  Prostitutes 
always  pretend  to  belong  to  the  superior  grade; 
the  phrase,  "  Vous  ites  une  femme  de  vingt  sous,"  is 
considered  an  outrage. 

The  stealer  of  the  thousands  makes  fun  of  the 
poor  pickpocket.  The  assassins  consider  them- 
selves superior  to  the  thieves  and  swindlers,  but 
the  forgers  do  not  associate  with  the  assassins; 
the  highway  robbers  despise  the  petty  thieves. 
A  highway  robber  once  said:  "I  can  be  a  thief, 
but,  thank  God,  I  am  a  respectable  man." 
After  killing  a  whole  family,  a  criminal  rejoiced 
that  all  St.  Petersburg  were  thinking  about  him. 
"Well,"  he  said,  "my  comrades  will  see  now,  if 
they  were  right  in  thinking  that  I  would  never 
be  talked  about."  A  vulgar  sharper  boasted  at 
court  of  imaginary  crimes  in  order  to  appear  as  a 
great  assassin.  A  veteran  criminal  said:  "The 
brigands  of  the  present  are  inferior  to  those  of  my 
time,  who  flourished  in  their  purity,  who  were  not 
politicians,  but  worked  for  the  love  of  their  trade." 
Such  vanity,  in  connection  with  lack  of  foresight, 
aids  in  bringing  criminals  to  justice.  Just  after  a 
strange  murder,  a  criminal  said  to  one  of  his  mis- 
tresses: "Yes,  I  love  them,  the  women,  but  in  a 


84  CRIMINOLOGY. 

peculiar  way;  I  choke  them  after  having  possessed 
them;  my  pleasure  consists  in  cutting  their  throats. 
O,  you  will  soon  hear  me  talked  about."  An 
inscription  on  a  tombstone  was  as  follows:  "  Here 
lies  poor  Tulac,  tired  of  stealing  in  this  world, 
departs  to  steal  in  the  other."  Some  dream  of 
reaching  celebrity  through  crime,  and,  it  may  be 
added,  that  they  often  succeed;  they  like  to  be 
talked  about,  see  their  names  and  photographs  in 
the  papers,  etc.,  etc.,  are  pleased  to  give  their  auto- 
graphs; they  sometimes  receive  even  offers  of  mar- 
riage from  respectable  women.  A  prisoner  tried 
to  kill  one  of  his  fellows  because  another  criminal, 
who  was  on  trial  at  the  time  in  the  city  where  the 
prisoner  was,  received  "  too  much  attention,"  and 
especially  "  too  many  bouquets,"  from  sentimental 
ladies;  and  he  desired  to  be  lionized  also;  he  did 
not  succeed  as  well  as  he  expected,  for  he  did  not 
strike  his  victim  quite  hard  enough  to  kill  him;  but 
had  ten  years  more  added  to  his  sentence  for  the 
injury  he  did.  The  developed  pride  of  criminals 
is  a  farce;  they  are  too  good  to  work,  lazy  to  act, 
and  lazy  to  feel;  it  is  necessary  to  stimulate  their 
natural  torpor  by  their  grosser  appetites;  yet  this  is 
only  temporary  in  its  effect.  Crime,  like  prostitu- 
tion, is  fed  by  idleness.  One-sixth  of  the  accused 
in  France  are  of  the  unoccupied;  they  are  fatigued 
easily,  and  do  much  less  than  ordinary  workmen. 
Some  pose  as  unfortunates,  victims  of  fatality,  crim- 
inals by  the  hatred  of  an  unjust  society.  As  there 
is  no  virtuous  man  without  weaknesses,  so  there 
are  many  criminals  with  altruism  worthy  of  praise. 


PSYCHOLOGY    OF   CRIMINALS.  85 

but  at  the  same  time  allied  with  an  anti-altruism. 
Some  great  criminals  are  not  without  honor;  they 
can  be  encouraged  to  better  things;  they  have 
some  pity  for  others;  but  those  hardened  to  crime 
and  vice  manifest  little  or  no  altruism,  and  when 
this  sentiment  is  present  it  is  of  short  duration. 

Vengeance. 

An  excessive  vanity  is  one  of  the  main  antece- 
dents to  vengeance.  A  certain  baron  caused  a  per- 
son to  be  assassinated,  because  in  a  procession  he 
failed  to  stop  the  statue  of  the  Virgin  before  his 
house.  "  To  see  the  man  die  whom  you  hate  is  a 
divine  pleasure,  and  to  hate  and  avenge  is  the  only 
thing  I  enjoy,"  was  the  assertion  of  one  criminal. 
A  criminal  having  a  slight  altercation  with  his 
friend,  who  had  supported  him  for  many  years, 
struck  him  and  tried  to  throw  him  into  a  well.  He 
was  stopped  ;  his  wounded  friend  pardoned  him  ; 
but  he  answered,  "  I  will  be  condemned,  but 
patience  ;  I  regret  that  I  did  not  accomplish  it,  if  I 
get  out  of  prison,  I  will  fix  him  ; "  he  kept  his 
promise.  Another,  just  before  dying,  made  his 
comrades  swear  to  kill  certain  farmers  with  whom 
he  had  not  yet  settled  his  accounts.  A  woman  had 
poisoned  her  neighbor,  who  was  opposed  to  the 
marriage  of  her  son  ;  on  being  condemned  to  death 
and  invited  to  grant  pardon  to  her  victim,  after 
the  example  of  Our  Saviour,  replied :  "  God  has 
done  that  which  pleased  Him  ;  but  I  will  never 
pardon."  Another  tightened  the  cloak  of  his 
friend  for  a  joke,  but  accidently  caused  a  slight 


86  CRIMINOLOGY. 

tear  ;  he  apologized  and  promised  to  make  it  good; 
his  friend,  however,  would  not  listen  to  him,  but 
stabbed  him  instead  of  accepting  the  apology. 

A  case  like  to  the  vengeance  of  savages,  was  that 
of  a  certain  criminal  who,  being  insulted  at  night 
by  an  unknown  person,  armed  himself,  and  struck 
the  first  man  he  chanced  to  meet. 

Cruelty. 

Out  of  860  thefts  in  London  during  ten  years, 
only  five  were  with  violence  to  the  person.  Crim- 
inals who  kill  for  the  sake  of  killing  are  feared  by 
their  companions.  After  murdering  a  prostitute, 
and  finding  only  a  watch,  a  criminal  was  so 
enraged  that  he  ate  the  scraps  of  her  flesh.  When 
blood  has  been  once  tasted  by  those  who  take 
pleasure  in  it,  to  kill  becomes  a  burning  passion. 
One  complained  while  dying,  because  having  killed 
99  men  he  had  not  made  it  an  even  hundred. 
Another  took  such  extreme  pleasure  in  drinking 
blood,  that  when  it  was  not  convenient  to  take  it 
from  his  neighbor,  he  drank  his  own.  In  rases  of 
this  kind,  carnal  love  is  often  found  in  which  the 
sight  of  blood  stimulates  the  sexual  passion.  In 
fact  bloody  scenes  are  often  followed  by  the  lowest 
debauches  ;  thus  after  bloody  battles,  an  abnormal 
impulse  to  rape  sometimes  manifests  itself  ;  it  is  a 
recurrence  of  what  was  generally  practiced  in  war- 
fare among  savages.  Thus  in  some  murders  at 
present  the  greatest  atrocities  are  committed 
solely  because  they  cause  intense  sexual  excitement 
in  individuals  who  are  so  abnormal  or  so  degener- 


PSYCHOLOGY    OF   CRIMINALS.  87 

ated  as  to  obtain  such  excitement  in  no  other  way. 
Murders  of  this  nature  are  not  due  to  the  love  of 
cruelty  for  its  own  sake,  as  is  generally  assumed, 
but  they  owe  their  cause  to  the  love  of  sexual  ex- 
citement which  the  cruelty  creates.  Thus  in  rape 
of  an  atrocious  nature,  it  is  not  improbable  that  the 
cruelty  is  practiced,  not  for  the  purpose  of  accom- 
plishing the  outrage,  but  solely  for  the  sexual  grat- 
ification that  the  cruelty  itself  generates. 

In  another  work  the  author  has  considered  sev- 
eral cases  of  this  nature,  two  of  which  are  self-con- 
fessed. One  of  these  is  that  of  a  sexton  of  a  church, 
who  brained  a  little  girl,  but  did  not  attempt  rape. 
Just  before  his  execution  he  confessed  to  braining 
a  prostitute  also,  and  described  the  passion  that 
led  him  to  commit  both  his  crimes.  The  descrip- 
tion was  so  obscene  that  it  could  not  be  printed, 
although  the  case  was  published  in  legal  form. 
The  atrocities  of  "  Jack  the  Ripper,"  so-called,  and 
of  similar  murderers  (Frenchy,  of  New  York)  are 
without  doubt  caused  by  a  pathological  sexual  pas- 
sion. 

Debauches  may  be  the  result  of  forced  chastity, 
as  in  the  case  of  priests,  soldiers,  and  shepherds. 
The  trades  that  expose  to  contact  with  blood,  as 
the  butcher  ;  or  impose  a  solitary  life,  as  that  of  a 
shepherd  or  hunter,  have  their  influence.  This 
species  of  lust-murder  and  mutilation  seems  to  be 
increasing;  it  indicates  the  lowest  depth  of  im- 
morality. In  London  the  common  street-walkers, 
not  to  mention  the  so-called  higher  grades  of  fast 
women,  naturally  become  very  much  excited  and 


88  CRIMINOLOGY. 

nervous,  when  such  murders  as  those  committed 
by  "  Jack  the  Ripper  "  are  reported. 

There  is  also  among  criminals  deep  but  tempo- 
rary alterations  in  their  character;  as  a  fit  of  irrita- 
tion without  the  least  apparent  cause.  The  jailors 
recognize  it  ;  they  say  there  is  a  bad  quarter  of  an 
hour  during  the  day,  when  criminals  are  not  their 
own  masters,  not  themselves.  This  peculiarity  has 
been  noticed  among  savages  and  animals. 

For  cruelty  and  ferocity  women  reach  the  ex- 
treme. Some  of  their  methods  of  torture  cannot 
be  described.  It  was  women  who  carried  out  and 
put  on  sale  the  bodies  of  "  gendarmes  "  at  Paris  ; 
who  forced  a  man  to  eat  his  own  roasted  flesh  ; 
women  who  carried  on  their  poles  human  entrails. 
It  was  a  woman  who  caused  a  young  girl  to  die  of 
starvation,  forcing  her  daily  to  sit  at  her  table, 
which  was  richly  served,  without  allowing  her  to 
touch  a  thing. 

Wine  and  Gambling. 

After  criminal  vanity  is  satisfied,  drinking  and 
gambling  generally  follow.  Some  criminals  com- 
mit crime  in  order  to  be  able  to  become  drunk;  the 
cowardly,  because  they  find  in  drunkenness  the 
courage  necessary  to  carry  out  their  misdeeds,  and 
think  also  they  can  find  in  this  a  means  of  justifica- 
tion; because  also  drunken  revelries  push  young 
men  into  crime.  The  saloon  is  the  place  where 
the  criminals  find  their  accomplices;  it  is  the  abode 
where  they  not  only  meditate  their  crimes,  but 
where  they  spend  the  money  obtained  by  crime; 


PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CRIMINALS.  89 

the  saloon  is  the  one  true  home  of  the  criminal;  and 
sometimes  the  keeper  of  the  place  is  their  banker. 
Of  10,000  murders  committed  in  France,  2,374 
occurred  in  saloons;  out  of  49,423  arrests  in  New 
York,  30,507  were  drunkards.  Alcoholism  is  the 
cause  of  much  of  the  paralysis  and  ateromasia, 
consisting  in  a  fatty  degeneration  in  the  intima  of 
the  arteries.  The  rich  prostitutes  abuse  cham- 
pagne; the  poor  drink  whisky  in  order  to  chase 
away  disagreeble  thoughts,  or  to  gain  temporary 
strength  to  carry  on  their  trade.  There  are  excep- 
tional cases  of  thieves,  prostitutes,  and  swindlers 
who  are  total  abstainers.  Gambling  is  quite  com- 
mon among  criminals;  there  is  a  fascination  in 
amusing  themselves  with  the  money  of  others, 
which  at  times  is  a  burning  passion.  The  criminal 
is  between  two  fires;  on  the  one  hand,  unbridled 
lust  for  the  property  of  others;  on  the  other,  mad- 
ness beyond  parallel  to  squander  stolen  money. 
This  makes  it  evident  how  many  are  always  in 
poverty,  although  possessing  large  sums  at  times; 
but  cupidity  is  not  the  true  spur  to  crime,  it  is  the 
brutal  passions  which  are  impossible  to  satisfy. 
The  miserly  man  is  less  carried  into  crime  than 
the  spendthrift.  This  haphazard  life  between 
plenty  and  poverty  is  also  one  of  the  main  causes 
of  premature  death. 

Other  Tendencies. 

The  criminals  like  the  table  and  love  the  dance. 
Here  is  one  who  made  his  d£but  as  thief  in  order 
to  buy  macaroni :  another  at  Paris,  who  steals  in 


90  CRIMINOLOGY. 

order  to  attend  the  dances.  The  love  of  the  crim- 
inal is  almost  wholly  sensual  and  savage;  one 
boasts  of  twelve  mistresses;  some  who  are  married 
exchange  their  wives  for  money;  in  one  case  a 
dog  and  five  florins  was  the  consideration.  An 
American  counterfeiter  said  once,  that  his  mis- 
tresses were  numerous  enough  to  form  a  line 
around  the  town.  Carnal  love  soon  lessens  in 
thieves;  while  in  swindlers,  poisoners,  and  some 
assassins  it  may  persist;  among  a  good  number, 
the  physical  incentive  passes  over  from  a  state 
of  partial  impotence  into  excesses  of  much  more 
violence,  but  they  are  less  durable  and  assume  a 
periodic  form.  Platonic  love  is  very  exceptional 
among  thieves;  many  prefer  sentimental  ways  to 
obscene;  female  thieves  take  care  of  their  lovers 
when  sick,  and  remain  true  to  them  for  a  certain 
length  of  time,  unless  their  sickness  continues  too 
long.  Among  prostitutes  there  are  all  grades  of 
passion;  from  the  lowest  pederasty  to  the  love  of 
music,  books,  pictures,  medals,  and  flowers;  they 
are  often  impetuous  and  violent;  nothing  will  stop 
them  from  getting  satisfaction,  as  they  lack  fore- 
sight and  seldom  think  of  the  future. 

Relation  to  Insanity. 

Criminals  have  much  in  common  with  the 
insane,  as  violence,  instability  of  certain  pas- 
sions, moral  and  physical  insensibility,  exagger- 
ated idea  of  themselves,  and  sometimes  passions 
for  drink,  and  desire  to  recall  their  crimes; 
but  there  is  this  difference,  the  insane  rarely  care 


PSYCHOLOGY    OF   CRIMINALS.  91 

for  gambling  and  revelry,  and  much  more  often 
take  a  dislike  to  those  nearest  to  them  as  wife  and 
children  ;  the  criminal  must  have  society,  while 
the  insane  prefer  solitude  and  thus  plots  are  rare 
in  the  asylums. 

Sensibility  and  Passions. 
The  criminal  approaches  more  the  savage ; 
the  moral  sense  of  the  savage  is  animal  or 
extinct,  but  in  impetuousity  and  instability 
they  are  much  alike ;  the  savage  is  a  child 
with  the  physical  powers  of  a  man  ;  he  has  a  great 
love  for  gambling,  but  he  is  not  very  greedy. 
Some  after  losing  all  their  money  sell  things, 
gamble  themselves  away,  and  if  young  sell  them- 
selves outside  of  the  tribe.  The  Chinaman  will 
gamble  his  last  coat  away  in  the  cold  of  winter. 
There  is  in  the  savage  a  mixture  of  cowardice  and 
courage  ;  lust  and  the  love  of  blood  mingle  ;  love 
is  lust.  Alcoholic  liquors  are  fatal  to  savages, 
tending  to  destroy  the  entire  race.  The  savages, 
where  custom  or  religious  precepts  have  prohibited 
liquor,  supply  its  place  by  curious  means,  as  move- 
ments of  the  head  up  and  down,  or  right  and  left, 
which  produce  a  like  effect.  Laziness  is  also  a 
characteristic  of  savages.  Some  of  them  dislike 
all  work,  saying  "  To  suffer  in  order  to  suffer ;  it 
is  better  to  die  than  to  work." 

Vulnerability. 
Analgesia  gives  some  explanation  of  the  hardi- 
ness of  criminals.      Lombroso   saw  a  thief   whose 
right  forehead  had  been  fractured  laterally  by  a 


92  CRIMINOLOGY. 

hatchet ;  in  15  days  the  thief  was  well  and  no  re- 
action occurred.  There  is  also  the  case  of  a  mur- 
derer (a  mason)  who,  on  account  of  a  reproach, 
threw  himself  from  a  third  story  into  the  court, 
got  up  laughing,  and  continued  his  work.  Lom- 
broso  cites  the  case  of  an  infanticide  who  per- 
formed the  Caesarian  operation  upon  herself  with 
a  kitchen  knife  and  killed  the  child  ;  she  re- 
covered, without  dressing  the  wound,  and  without 
fever. 

Feeling  as  to  Death. 

Death  is  accepted  without  trouble  by  few  crimi- 
nals ;  some  fear  it  for  itself,  for  the  pains  that 
accompany  it  ;  others  for  the  unknown  behind  it. 
In  general  the  criminals  are  afraid  of  the  thought 
of  death.  They  may  seem  cold-blooded  before  the 
magistrate  yet  there  are  none  who  do  not  expect 
to  obtain  a  commutation  of  sentence.  Of  24 
women,  5  died  cowardly,  and  expressed  the  most 
revolting  cynicism  at  the  stake  ;  18  mounted  the 
scaffold  calmly  (for  the  most  part  comforted  by 
religious  exhortations),  resigned  and  repentant, 
and  some  with  sadness,  but  without  fainting.  Of 
64  men,  25  died  cowardly,  4  were  noisy,  one  ex- 
cited, one  was  loquacious,  one  yawned,  12  were 
cynical  to  the  end,  and  finished  without  apparent 
trouble,  as  if  in  a  theater  chosen  by  them;  5  died 
with  indifference,  1  with  the  insensibility  of  a 
brute,  or  the  unconsciousness  of  the  insane,  18 
died  courageously,  calm,  resigned  (generally  pre- 
pared by  exhortations  of  the  priest),  and  showed 


PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CRIMINALS.  93 

repentance  ;  among  these  were  all  grades  ;  the 
lowest  criminals  appeared  the  most  sincere  ;  the 
higher  grades  not  desiring  to  leave  behind  any 
doubt,  which  might  diminish  the  horror  of  their 
memory  and  the  shame  reflected  on  their  family, 
although  accepting  religious  aid,  persisted  in  pro- 
claiming their  innocence. 

Criminals  hold  to  life  ;  under  bad  conditions, 
they  fear  to  loose  it ;  but  before  imminent  and 
certain  death  a  few  are  courageous,  thinking  it  is 
of  short  duration  and  little  pain.  In  women  the 
intensity  of  the  religious  feeling  gives  them  supe- 
riority at  the  critical  moment.  Once  in  crime* 
woman  is  often  more  cruel  and  raging  than  man  ; 
in  terror  few  faint  ;  women  also  have  habits  more 
reserved  than  men.  Men  manifest  gross  and 
studied  attitudes  more  often  as  marks  of  fear,  or  as 
an  index  of  insensibility.  Vanity,  excessive  in 
most  criminals,  gives  a  show  of  courage  too  blus- 
tering and  too  apparent  to  be  permanent.  Some 
have  fear  of  being  used  for  anatomical  studies  and 
of  having  their  deformities  shown  to  everyone  ; 
or  they  imagine  they  might  possibly  feel  the 
scalpel.  In  the  English  army  no  better  pre- 
ventive of  suicide  is  found  than  having  it  known 
that  bodies  of  suicides  go  to  dissecting-rooms. 
The  less  courageous  throw  themselves  into  the 
arms  of  the  priest,  and  deny  their  crime;  others 
often  confessing  their  faults  to  him  who  grants 
divine  pardon,  proclaim  with  a  loud  voice  their 
innocence  and  die  in  contradiction  with  them- 
selves. 


94  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Religion  of  Criminals. 

While  some  of  the  chiefs  of  the  bands  ridicule 
religion,  the  majority  of  criminals  believe  in  it  ; 
many  of  these  make  a  sensual  use  and  accomoda- 
tion of  it  for  their  personal  advantage.  To  a  priest 
who  was  exhorting  repentance,  a  criminal  asked 
"  How  many  hotels  he  would  reach  before  arriving 
at  Paradise,  as  he  only  had  6  cents  to  spend  on  the 
route."  The  criminal's  God  of  peace  and  justice 
is  a  benevolent  guardian  and  an  accomplice. 

According  to  Lombroso1  the  free  men  are  more 
frequently  in  the  churches;  but  Lombroso  adds 
that  61  per  cent,  of  the  violators  and  56  per  cent, 
of  the  assassins  frequent  the  church. 

Ferri  found  only  1  who  professed  to  be  an 
atheist  out  of  200  assassins;  7  of  the  others 
showed  an  exaggerated  devotion,  5  were  strong 
in  the  faith;  the  rest,  while  scoffing  at  the  priests, 
affirmed  that  they  believed  in  God.  One  said, 
"  He  does  not  depend  upon  me  to  be  a  good  man, 
it  is  God  who  gives  this  sentiment."  Out  of  2,480 
who  were  tattooed,  238  had  religious  symbols.  In 
their  slang,  God  is  the  great  "Mek";  the  soul  is 
"  the  perpetual ";  in  Spanish  the  church  is  called 
the  sainted.  These  facts  point  to  a  belief  in  God 
and  the  immortality  of  the  soul.     The  Bohemian 

Criminals.  Normals. 
1                                                                           (500)  (100) 

Regular  attendance  at  church 46  %  5  7  % 

Irregular  attendance 25"  13" 

Absence 38"  29" 


PSYCHOLOGY    OF   CRIMINALS.  95 

murderers  think  they  obtain  divine  pardon  if  they 
wear  the  shirt  a  year  which  they  had  on  at  the 
time  of  the  murder.  A  criminal  having  killed 
12  soldiers  and  a  priest,  believed  himself  invul- 
nerable, because  he  kept  on  his  breast  a  conse- 
crated offering.  Some  bands  place  sacred  images 
in  the  woods  and  groves  where  they  keep  candles 
burning.  A  criminal  after  strangling  3  women, 
was  said  to  be  the  most  assiduous  and  sincere  at 
church  and  the  confessional.  Three  criminals  re- 
fused point-blank  to  eat  on  Good  Friday,  and 
when  the  director  of  the  prison  inquired  of  them 
about  it,  they  replied:  "What?  Do  you  take  us  to 
be  excommunicated?" 

A  woman  criminal  who  had  strangled  a  little 
girl,  on  hearing  her  death  sentence  turned  and 
said,  "  Death  is  nothing,  the  essential  is  to  save  the 
soul,  as  I  have  saved  mine,  I  mock  at  the  rest."  A 
notorious  criminal  of  Milan,  who  had  been  con- 
demned for  34  murders  attended  mass  every 
day;  he  preached  Christian  morality  and  relig- 
ion continually.  A  young  man  of  Naples,  who 
had  killed  his  father,  had  asked  of  a  Madonna 
for  the  force  necessary  to  commit  the  deed.  He 
said,  "  I  have  the  proof  that  she  aided  me,  for  at 
the  first  blow  of  the  club  that  I  gave,  my  father 
fell  dead;  and  I  am  extremely  feeble."  A  woman 
places  the  poisoning  of  her  husband  "  under  divine 
protection."  In  urging  another  on  to  crime,  one 
said,  "  I  will  come,  and  I  will  have  God  inspire 
thee."  Another,  having  stolen  to  found  a  chapel, 
continued  to  steal  in  order  to  furnish  it.     After 


96  CRIMINOLOGY. 

strangling  his  mistress,  a  criminal  gave  her  abso« 
lution  "  in  articulo  mortis,"  then  sold  the  proceeds 
of  his  thefts  to  enable  him  to  have  mass  said. 

At  the  moment  when  setting  fire  to  the  house  of 
her  lover,  a  criminal  said,  "  May  God  and  the  Holy 
Virgin  do  the  rest."  Numbers  of  prostitutes  pre- 
tend to  be  irreligious  in  the  presence  of  their  lov- 
ers and  companions;  but  they  are  far  from  being 
so. 

In  the  ordinary  life  of  the  criminal,  indifference 
is  the  rule.  Religion  does  not  seem  to  prevent 
vice  and  crime  very  much  among  them;  it 
serves  sometimes  as  a  pretext  to  one  or  the  other. 
Spanish  prostitutes  place  above  their  beds  the 
Child  of  the  Virgin,  like  the  sinners  of  the  respect- 
able world  who  go  from  the  church  to  their  para- 
mours. While  in  many  cases  this  is  hypocritical, 
it  is  more  often,  in  the  case  of  criminals,  frank  and 
naive.  Thus  it  is  that  religiousness  is  unfortu- 
nately and  too  often  allied  with  the  baser  instincts 
of  man,  and  such  glaring  contradictions  become 
social  ulcers. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

INTELLIGENCE   OF   CRIMINAL*. 

In  intelligence  the  criminal  is  below  the  average. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  the  wandering  and 
uncertain  life  of  a  criminal  and  his  knocking  about 
in  the  world  favor  a  development  of  his  intelli- 
gence. The  first  in  Europe  to  investigate  and  es- 
tablish an  average  were  the  Spaniards.  Out  of 
53,600  about  67  per  cent,  had  a  fair  intelligence,  10 
per  cent,  were  below  the  average,  and  18  per  cent, 
were  depraved  mentally  ;  less  than  1  per  cent, 
possessed  hardly  any  intelligence,  and 2%  percent, 
could  not  be  classified. 

The  majority  feel  themselves  unqualified  for  any 
constant  work,  and  their  purpose  is  to  escape  every 
kind  of  occupation.  Lacinaire  said  to  his  judges, 
"  I  have  always  been  lazy;  it  is  a  shame,  I  admit, 
but  I  am  sluggish  in  work.  To  work  is  to  make 
an  effort  and  I  feel  myself  incapable;  I  have  energy 
only  for  evil.  If  it  is  necessary  to  work  I  care  not 
to  live,  I  prefer  to  be  condemned  to  death."  An- 
other who  killed  his  father,  because  he  reproached 
him  for  his  laziness,  preferred  to  remain  all  night 
alone  in  the  stables  rather  than  make  the  least  ex- 
7 


98  CRIMINOLOGY. 

ertion  to  go  to  his  bed.  This  almost  universal  lazy 
feeling  in  criminals  explains  why  most  of  them, 
even  those  of  genius,  were  bad  scholars. 

Levity,  mobility,  and  inconstancy  of  mind  are 
characteristics  of  criminals.  In  Switzerland  it  is 
calculated  that  44  per  cent,  of  the  condemned  have 
been  led  to  crime  by  their  levity. 

The  prostitutes  are  so  light-minded,  as  not  to  be 
able  to  hold  their  attention  on  any  idea;  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  reason  with  them;  thus  comes  their  lack  of 
foresight,  which  aids  their  patrons  to  retain  them 
and  impoverish  them. 

Criminals  have  much  credulity.  The  great 
criminals  never  foresee  the  possibility  of  their  being 
discovered,  and  when  they  are,  they  are  astonished 
how  they  could  have  made  such  a  "  great  mis- 
take." This  levity  of  mind  gives  a  tendency  to 
raillery  and  humor;  some  laugh  much,  are  astound- 
ing in  the  use  of  slang,  turn  into  ridicule  the  most 
cherished  and  sacred  things  with  a  play  on  words 
and  by  puns:  of  these  things  they  are  proud;  it  is 
a  species  of  intellectual  show,  but  it  indicates  a 
want  in  the  moral  sense.  They  are  indifferent,  or 
even  have  an  agreeable  feeling  where  other  men 
would  experience  fear  or  pain.  Criminals  are  so 
deficient  in  foresight,  as  often  to  tell  of  their 
misdeeds  to  the  police  ;  it  is  lost  time  to  "  play 
fine  "  with  them;  they  see  a  little  clearer  after 
arrest  than  before;  this  stupidity  is  illustrated  in 
their  becoming  confidential  friends  on  first  ac- 
quaintance; they  return  to  places  where  there  is 
every  probability  of  being  caught.     In  defending 


INTELLIGENCE     OF    CRIMINALS.  99 

themselves,  they  often  insist  on  details  which  have 
the  very  opposite  effect;  thus  in  giving  an  account 
of  a  murder,  one  insisted  that  he  wounded  the  vic- 
tim 13  times  and  not  14  times.  They  are  super- 
stitious enough  to  believe  in  magic  and  omens. 
The  great  criminals,  after  having  shown  skill  in  the 
preparation  for  their  crimes,  do  not  hold  out,  but 
become  intoxicated  by  impunity  and  loose  all 
prudence.  They  have  little  logic;  there  is  a  dispro- 
portion between  the  motive  and  the  crime;  the  exe- 
cution of  the  crime,  as  a  piece  of  art,  leaves  much  to 
be  desired;  so  that  lawyers  with  more  ingenuity  than 
honesty  find  facts  to  show  the  innocence  and  irre- 
sponsibility of  their  clients.  Violence  and  passion 
in  the  execution  of  the  crime  increase  improvi- 
dence; the  pleasure  of  committing  a  crime  and  of 
telling  it  to  others  aids  in  their  general  bungling. 
A  wife  sent  to  her  husband  a  poisoned  cake  with  a 
letter  inviting  him  to  partake  of  it  after  dinner; 
but  she  did  not  see  that  her  husband  could  not  eat 
it  all  at  once  and  that  a  fragment  of  it  joined  to 
the  letter  would  be  sufficient  to  discover  the  author 
of  the  crime.  One  who  had  killed  his  brother 
proved  an  alibi,  but  had  forgotten  to  wash  the 
stains  of  blood  from  his  coat.  Another,  after  the 
execution  of  his  crime,  lit  a  lamp,  which  could 
help  the  neighbors  or  policemen  to  find  traces  of 
him. 

Specialists  in  Crime. 

While  criminals  are  less  capable   than  ordinary 
men,  yet  in  the  practice  of  doing  the  same  things 


IOO  CRIMINOLOGY. 

continually  they  seem  to  the  world  to  be  very 
clever.  Even  idiots,  by  practicing  the  same  thing, 
become  very  quick.  Some  thieves  enter  stores 
only,  some  private  houses, — and  in  the  latter  case 
there  are  those  who  steal  haphazard  and  those  who 
make  much  preparation  beforehand,  perhaps  get- 
ting a  key  to  fit  the  lock. 

There  are  several  kinds  of  mendicants  :  Foreign- 
ers, the  starving,  those  pretending  sick,  or  to  have 
been  shipwrecked,  those  with  petitions,  etc.,  etc.; 
each  has  his  speciality.  There  are  the  thieves  who 
break  into  houses  ;  who  use  narcotics  ;  those  who 
steal  with  hooks ;  stealers  of  cheese  ;  of  horses, 
dogs,  and  game.  Some  force  a  lock  with  great 
skill,  others  can  climb  easily  to  the  height  of  a 
church  steeple,  but  are  incapable  of  breaking 
through  the  least  obstacle;  some  take  to  flight  at 
the  least  noise;  others  enter  a  house  full  of  people 
and  things ;  some  have  great  dexterity  in  the 
hands;  there  are  those  who  do  not  hesitate  to  leap 
from  the  second  story  of  a  house  or  from  a  rail- 
road train  going  at  full  speed;  there  are  those 
who  steal  anything  in  their  way;  those  who  will 
not  trouble  themselves  about  things  of  little  value; 
those  who  steal  cattle,  but  would  be  afraid  to 
break  open  the  door  of  a  hen-coop.  Thus  each 
one  naturally  finds  the  method  best  adapted  to 
himself.  When  we  consider  how  often  he  repeats 
the  same  things,  his  reputation  for  dexterity  is  far 
from  being  wonderful.  Poisoners  are  generally 
well  educated;  they  are  physicians,  chemists;  they 
have  a  sympathetic  air,  amiable  address,  persua- 


INTELLIGENCE     OF    CRIMINALS.  IOI 

sive  language,  which  would  deceive  the  very  elect; 
they  are  often  passionate  women.  Poisoning  has 
been  a  species  of  voluptuousness  ;  many  have 
been  poisoned,  sometimes  with  little  motive,  and 
as  many  as  14  and  21  at  one  time;  poisoners  are 
pushed  by  cupidity,  love,  or  unbridled  lust;  they 
are  hypocritical,  calm,  and  deceitful,  protesting 
their  innocence  to  the  very  end;  they,  ca'*ry, their 
secret  into  the  grave;  they  rarely  •  have  .accom- 
plices. Sometimes  poisoning  assumes  the  form  Of 
an  epidemic,  especially  with  woojen,t    .     >•,>    j 

Thieves  are  fond  of  showy  colore,  xoys/xhains, 
earrings;  they  are  the.  m,ost  ignorant  and  credy'- 
lous  of  all;  they  arc  cowards  by  nature,  make  inti.- 
mate  acquaintance  at  first  sigb,l,  if  .one  speaks  iheir 
slang;  they  even  fall  in  with  foreigners,  travel 
with  them  not  knowing  their  language;  French- 
men and  Germans  sometimes  unite.  Criminals 
believe  in  dreams,  omens,  and  unlucky  days;  go 
with  prostitutes,  their  natural  friends;  associate  in 
bands;  they  like  the  noise  of  large  cities,  it  is  their 
element;  they  are  incapable  of  working  steadily, 
are  bold  liars;  they  are  the  most  difficult  to  reform, 
especially  the  women  who  are  courtesans  in  addi- 
tion. 

Swindlers  are  superstitious,  clever,  lustful,  more 
capable  of  good  or  bad  actions  than  other  crimi- 
nals; they  are  bigots  and  hypocrites,  with  a  soft 
air,  benevolent  and  vain,  and  lavish  with  their  ill- 
gotten  money;  they  are  often  insane  or  feign  in- 
sanity. 

Assassins  affect  a  soft  and  sympathetic  manner, 


102  CRIMINOLOGY. 

and  a  calmness  pervades  them;  they  are  seldom 
given  to  wine,  but  very  much  to  gambling  and 
carnal  love;  among  themselves  they  are  audacious, 
arrogant,  and  boast  of  their  crimes.  Their  dex- 
terity is  the  result  of  practice;  one  kills  his  victim 
with  the  very  first  blow;  when  not  engaged  in 
their  occupation  they  are  gay  fellows,  and  seek 
especially  the  society  of  the  theaters. 
•\Iclteri  and'vagrajj.ts/are;  almost  always  of  a  gay 
and  joyous  humor;  in' prispn,1  others  make  clowns 
of  themselves;,  tbjey  are  generally  sober  and  calm  in 
tem'pet' aridc  avOfdj  Serious  quarrels,  especially  rows 
where  blood  flows;  they  do  not  desire  to  injure 
s'eye'r&ly,  persons,  or.pVo^erty;  their  excuse  isgener- 
'airy<'i£abitity<iotflnU<wLsrK,  not  so  much  on  account 
of  fatigue  as  of' uniformity  of  movement  in  their 
work,  which  is  caused  by  division  of  labor  in  large 
factories,  and  which  they  cannot  endure;  many  of 
them  rather  than  labor  thus  expose  their  health 
and  life  to  much  more  dangerous  work.  They  are 
not  generally  passionate  to  the  degree  that  would 
lead  to  crime.  Their  lazy  life  and  light  gaiety 
have  caused  them  to  invent  strange  trades,  such  as 
making  sonorous  bellows,  which  produce  noises 
like  that  of  a  fight,  attracting  the  crowd  and 
police;  another  is  a  great  colorer  of  pipes,  or 
colors  rabbits;  another  dresses  flea-bites.  One 
claimed  to  have  27  professions.  He  was  boot- 
black, rag-picker,  errand  runner,  public  crier,  etc., 
etc.     These  naturally  are  experts  in  slang. 

Now  and  then  there  are  criminals  with  genius, 
who  invent   new  forms    of    crime.      Vidocq   sue- 


INTELLIGENCE    OF    CRIMINALS.  103 

ceeded  in  escaping  many  times,  and  caused 
many  villains  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  justice. 
He  has  traced  out  in  his  memoir  a  pychology  of 
crime.  Criminals  are  endowed  with  a  particular 
kind  of  genius.  Noscino,  whom  no  prison  in 
Tuscany  could  hold  more  than  a  month,  evaded 
his  keepers  after  having  given  them  warning. 
Another  has  left  a  manual  concerning  the  art  of 
opening  locks.  At  Sing  Sing  a  prisoner  succeeded 
in  establishing  a  distillery  with  the  remains  of 
fruits  and  potatoes  furnished  by  the  prison,  and 
concealed  this  for  a  long  time.  Generally,  how- 
ever, the  criminals  of  genius  lack  either  the  fore- 
sight or  the  necessary  cunning  to  carry  their  proj- 
ects through  to  the  end;  at  the  root  of  their 
character  there  is  a  lightness  that  is  sure  to  show 
itself.  In  general  their  genius  is  more  of  a  knavish 
and  clever  nature;  they  lack  coherence  and  con- 
tinuity in  mental  work;  what  they  have  of  this  is 
powerful  but  it  is  intermittent. 

Criminals  are  rare  in  the  scientific  world.  Many 
of  those  accused  of  crime  have  not  been  proven 
guilty.  Peculation  may  be  more  than  a  mere 
feebleness  of  character.  Sallust  and  Seneca  were 
accused  of  this,  but  without  certain  proofs.  Cre- 
mani,  a  "  consul  "  and  celebrated  criminalist,  be- 
came a  forger.  Demme,  a  noted  surgeon,  was 
guilty  of  theft  and  poisoning.  Crime  is  very  rare 
among  mathematicians  and  natural  scientists. 
Great  men,  and  those  in  high  positions,  are  often 
exposed  to  accusations  of  every  nature  by  the 
envy  and  jealousy  of  others. 


104  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Lambroso  gives  the  following  table  as  to  educa- 
tion : 

Delinquents.     Normals. 
(507.)  (100.) 

Per  cent.         Per  cent. 

1.  Analphabets 12  6 

2.  Elementary  instruction  ....  95  69 

3.  Superior  instruction       .         .        .        ;  12  27 
Here  507  criminals  are  compared  with   100  nor- 
mal men.     The  criminals  are  much  below  the  nor- 
mals in  the  two  extremes,  but  not  in  the   elemen- 
tary instruction. 

In  Austria  the  lowest  per  cent,  of  crime  (0.83  to 
0.71  per  cent.)  for  14  years  was  found  to  be  among 
those  engaged  in  scientific  work.  Men  of  science 
in  general  find  their  investigations  a  pleasure  in 
themselves,  their  work  requires  them  to  hold 
rigidly  to  the  criticisms  of  the  true.  This  training 
enables  them  to  overcome  their  passions  easier  and 
to  see  clearer  how  a  criminal  action  is  not  only  un- 
just, but  illogical  and  of  no  profit,  because  the  re- 
action comes  with  full  force  back  upon  the  author 
of  the  crime. 

With  poets  and  artists  crime  is  more  frequent; 
they  are  dominated  more  by  passion  than  those 
engaged  in  severe  inductions  or  deductions. 
Among  noted  poisoners  many  poets  can  be  named 
of  a  certain  grade,  as  Venosca,  Lacenaire,  Winter. 
Lafarge,  Barre,  Lebiez;  but  their  reputation  rested 
more  on  versification.  The  artists  are  led  to  crime 
by  love  or  jealousy  of  their  profession  more  than 
men  of  letters  are.  Cellini  was  guilty  of  several 
murders;  another   kills   his  wife  to  marry    again; 


INTELLIGENCE     OF     CRIMINALS.  I05 

but  there  are  few  criminals  among  sculptors,   and  ' 
still  fewer  among  architects,  perhaps  their  profes- 
sion   requires    more    the     calm     of     meditation. 
Painters  abuse  alcohol  more  than  other  artists. 

Criminality  is  more  frequent  among  the  liberal 
professions.  In  Italy  6.1  percent,  of  criminals  have 
superior  education;  in  France,  6.0  per  cent.;  in 
Austria,  from  3.6  to  3. 11  per  cent.;  in  Bavaria  4.0 
per  cent.  The  proportion  is  here  relatively  greater 
than  in  the  other  classes  of  society;  it  is  easy  for 
the  physician  to  give  poison,  the  lawyer  to  cause 
perjury  to  be  committed,  and  the  teacher  rape. 
Illiteracy  is  extremely  common  among  prostitutes. 

As  compared  with  the  insane;  criminals  are 
much  more  lazy;  but  what  they  do  has  more  pur- 
pose.  Education  tends  to  diminish  monomania, 
religious  and  epidemical  insanity,  insanity  of  mur- 
der, and  it  gives  to  crime  a  less  violent  and  less 
base  appearance. 

Sallust,  Seneca  and  Demme  were  not  free  from 
the  taint  of  crime,  and  Lombroso  says  that  Comte, 
Swammerdam,  Pascal,  Tasso,  and  Rousseau  were 
more  or  less  troubled  with  melancholia  and  mono- 
mania. 

Slang. 

The  recidivists,  who  are  collected  together  in  the 
large  cities,  have  a  language  of  their  own,  and 
while  preserving  the  grammatical  type,  general 
assonances,  and  the  idiomatical  syntax  in  use 
among  the  people,  they  change  the  vocabulary. 
The   greatest  and    most    curious    alteration    ap- 


106  CRIMINOLOGY. 

proaches  that  of  the  slang  of  primitive  languages; 
it  consists  in  indicating  the  objects  by  one  of  their 
attributes;  thus  the  "  kid  "  is  called  "  the  jumper  "; 
death,  "the  meagre,"  "the  lean,"  "the  cruel," 
"  the  certain."  We  can,  by  a  study  of  their  slang, 
obtain  insight  into  their  criminal  turn  of  mind. 
The  soul  is  called  "  the  false";  shame,"  the  red  or  the 
bloody  ";  the  hour,"  the  rapid  ";  the  moon, "  the  in- 
former or  spy";  the  street  lamps,  "the  inconve- 
nient"; the  lawyer,  "  the  whitener or  washer";  the 
purse,  "the  sacred";  blood,  "grape-jam";  the 
prison,  "  the  little  saint  ";  the  pawn,  "  the  saint  or 
sacred";  alms  or  charity,  "  the  pig-iron  or  sow"; 
preaching,  "  the  tiresome";  the  nun,  "  the  blessed 
one";  the  knee,  "the  devout  one";  the  canon, 
"the  brutal  one";  the  painter,  "the  creator";  the 
soup  of  the  prison  in  Lombardy  is  called  "  the 
bad";  "  blond,  "  means  a  bottle  of  white  wine; 
"  pale  dull  color  "  stands  for  money;  "  a  dead  bot- 
tle "  is  an  empty  bottle;  "  curly  head  "  is  a  Jew; 
"  the  sounder  "  is  justice;  "  father  sounder  "  is  the 
judge;  wisdom  designates  "the  salt." 

Another  method  is  to  follow  the  metaphor  of  a 
phonetic  disguise,  thus  prophet  is  "  pocket  or  cel- 
lar "  alluding  to  its  depth;  poverty  is  called  "  phil- 
osophy." "  To  strangle  a  parrot "  is  to  drink  a 
glass  of  absinth;  the  color  of  both  is  green.  The 
prostitute  is  "  the  hotel  of  need."  "  The  white 
nuns  "  are  the  teeth.  The  cravat  is  "  the  arch  in 
heaven  ";  "  the  bridle  "  is  the  chain  of  the  prisoner; 
"  the  judge  of  peace  "  is  the  executioner;  the  col- 
lege is  "  the  prison."     In  Lombardy    the  legs  are 


INTELLIGENCE     OF    CRIMINALS.  107 

called  "  the  little  branches  ";  "  ducat  "  is  used  for 
pleasure;  "vice"  for  hunger;  "teeth"  for  the 
fork.  Sometimes  the  metaphor  is  worthy  to  rest 
in  ordinary  language.  "  Juileettiser  "  to  dethrone 
is  in  French  for  drinker,  in  Spanish  for  vagabond; 
a  Grecian  is  one  who  deceives  in  the  game.  Here 
are  some  locations  with  homophonic  allusions  to 
certain  persons  or  places:  to  gotoNiort  is  to  deny, 
(French  nier)  to  go  to  Rouen  is  to  be  ruined 
(ruin/). 

Others,  as  among  savages,  are  made  by  onoma- 
topy:  "a  stroke"  is  to  walk;  "tuff"  is  a  pistol; 
**  tic "  is  a  watch.  Synonyms  are  found  also: 
"  papa  "  is  the  chief  of  justice;  the  ninth  hour  is 
the  "  sentinel."  There  is  also  a  turning  of  words: 
Orfevre  (goldsmith)  is  "ophelin";  philanthrope  for 
filou  (thief);  "  Andare  a  Legnano"  is  to  receive 
strokes  of  a  club.  There  is  sometimes  a  double 
play,  phonetic  and  etymological,  as  "  Martin  Rou- 
nant,  gendarme  ";  Rouen  is  officer  of  the  police, 
and  the  "  roue  "  instrument  of  execution  (wheel  or 
rack);  "  Erdman  "  is  man-earth,  for  earthen  pot. 

Other  transformations  consist  only  in  changing 
the  terminations,  in  making  metatheses,  to  sup- 
press or  add  syllables  which  obscure  the  sense  of 
the  word,  perhaps  due  to  the  idea  of  anything 
merely  new,  a  characteristic  of  lazy  minds,  as  in 
French,  friod  for  froid;  "  zerver  "  or  "server"  or 
"verser";  in  Italian  camaro  for  camorade.  For- 
eign words  are  a  rich  source  for  slang.  The  Ger- 
mans borrow  from  the  Hebrew,  the  Italians  from 
the  Germans  and   French,  and  the  English  from 


108  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Italian  and  Sanscrit.  "  Furfante  "  (Italian)  means 
rogue;  it  refers  to  a  servant  whose  business  it 
is  to  strike  the  convicts;  it  was  borrowed  from 
the  Italians  by  the  French  ;  also  "  Fuoroba," 
which  is  the  cry  of  the  galley  sergeant  to  give  the 
signal  of  a  capture;  it  means  without  robe. 

Ancient  terms,  which  have  disappeared  from  the 
modern  lexicons,  furnish  curious  examples:  Arton, 
the  bread;  lenza,  the  water;  cuba,  the  house.  The 
French  say  "  to  be  warm  "  (ilre  chaud)  for  to  sus- 
pect (se  m£fier).  The  Spanish  say  "  milanes  "  for 
pistol,  by  allusion  to  the  ancient  fabrics  at  Milan. 

There  is  a  richness  of  synonyms  for  things  espe- 
cially interesting  to  criminals;  17  different  words 
have  been  found  that  indicate  the  guards;  7  for 
pocket,  9  for  sodomy.  The  French  criminals  have 
44  synonyms  to  express  drunkenness;  20  for  the 
act  of  drinking;  8  for  wine;  that  is  72  in  all  for 
drink,  19  for  water,  and  36  for  money  Criminals 
have  need  of  good  eyes  ;  they  call  them  "  the 
ardents,"  "  clairs  "  (clear);  u  mirettes  "  (a  species  of 
bell  flower),  "  quinquets  "  (lamps).  Criminals  tend 
to  animalize  things:  the  skin  is  for  them  "  the 
hide";  the  arm  is  a  "pinion";  the  visage  is  a 
"muzzle"  a  "snout,"  the  mouth  is  a  "beak." 
They  employ  negatives  voluntarily  :  to  be 
"  vicious  "  is  to  be  clever;  they  will  not  say,  "  Je  suis 
bien  fait,"  but  "  Je  ne  suis  pas  dejete" "  (crooked, 
warped,  perverted).  In  conversation,  "  ne  pas  etre 
m^chant,"  is  equivalent  to  "etre  un  imbecile"; 
they  make  everything  worse;  thus  to  put  anything 
into  the  form  of  a  corpse  is  to  eat  it.     In  spite  of 


INTELLIGENCE    OF    CRIMINALS. 


109 


large  possible  resources  the  slang  is  poor,  owing  to 
the  few  ideas  of  criminals.  Some  expressions  re- 
main constant  by  reason  of  their  sonorousness  and 
bizarre  nature.  The  Germans  and  Italians  call  a 
watch  "  tick."  The  analogy  of  situations  account 
for  the  numerous  similitudes  of  ideas.  Phonetical 
resemblances  are  much  more  rare;  they  are  favored 
by  the  inconstance  of  criminals,  who  desire  either 
to  escape  justice  or  to  strike  their  victim  unbe- 
known, or  to  obey  the  vagabond  instinct;  this 
causes  them  to  change  their  residence  and  carry 
their  expressions  from  one  country  into  another. 
The  principal  cause  of  slang  among  criminals  is 
the  necessity  for  the  malefactors  to  escape  the 
vigilance  of  the  police.  But  just  as  language  is 
changed  according  to  location,  climate,  custom, 
and  new  conditions,  so  slang  follows  the  same 
laws.  To  a  certain  extent  every  profession  has  its 
slang.  This  tendency  to  form  slang  among  mem- 
bers of  the  same  trade  is  strong,  especially  when 
the  trade  is  suspicious. 

Hieroglyphics  and  Signatures  of  Criminals. 

A 


OO 


6 

1  *  3  *  9  6 

Figure  1  is  a  hieroglyphic  for  theft ;  a  vertical 
line  crossed  by  a  spiral,  figure  3,  indicates  a  theft 
completed  ;   the  chain  on  the   anchor  in  figure  4 


HO  CRIMINOLOGY. 

shows  the  direction  taken  by  the  thief  in  escaping; 
figure  5  is  the  sign  for  a  tramp  or  beggar  ;  figure 
2  means,  I  am  afraid  of  being  imprisoned  ;  figure 
6,  a  player  at  dice,  who  loads  them.  In  England, 
in  1849,  a  map  ("  Cadger  Map  ")  was  found;  it  was 
intended  for  tramps;  the  plan  of  the  villages  and 
farms  of  the  country  was  given,  with  the  following 
signs  attached  for  indicating  the  virtues  or  defects 
of  the  proprietors  :  X  —  bad  (too  poor) ;  ^  —  very 
nice  gentlemen;  □  look  out  for  the  dog;  <  = 
go  this  way;  ©  =  very  religious  people  ;  G  =  a 
month  in  prison  to  be  expected. 

In  Naples  and  Sicily,  where  the  associations  are 
well  rooted,  there  are  a  large  number  of  hiero- 
glyphics. The  prostitutes  are  a  "  wooden  shoe," 
an  allusion  to  the  great  abundance  of  old  shoes 
in  the  low  cellars  of  Naples;  poison  is  indicated 
by  a  serpent;  prison,  by  a  cage;  brigand,  by 
a  belt  with  dagger;  swindling,  by  a  playing- 
card;  a  cat  hung  up  is  a  sure  theft;  the  chief 
of  the  guards  is  a  head  with  a  full  beard; 
theft  in  the  country  is  a  bundle  of  grapes; 
a  fortunate  steal  is  a  star  or  rose;  a  qualified  one 
is  scissors;  one  in  general  is  a  key;  the  city  is  a 
bell;  the  judge  is  a  scorpion;  liberty  is  a  rooster; 
5  is  a  hand;  100  is  a  leg;  50  is  half  of  a  leg. 
Some  of  the  signs  change:  the  eye  means  a  spy  in 
Central  Italy  and  power  in  Southern  Italy  (by 
allusion  to  the  fascinating  force  of  a  bad  eye). 
Evasion  is  a  bird,  sometimes  it  is  a  horse,  and 
sometimes  a  revolver  being  discharged.  Lorn- 
broso  considers   these    doubly   atavistic,   because 


INTELLIGENCE    OF    CRIMINALS.  Ill 

some  reproduce  the  signs  in  use  among  ancient 
people,  and  they  are  the  starting-point  in  the  incli- 
nation of  savages  to  paint  their  thought  in  figures, 
which  were  gradually  transformed  into  letters. 

It  is  generally  considered  futile  to  expect  to  ob- 
tain a  glance  into  the  character  through  the  writ- 
ing. It  is  not  impossible  that  the  jests  of  a  person, 
his  voice,  his  manner  of  pronunciation,  his  walk, 
and  all  phenomena  due  to  the  action  of  certain 
muscles  may  give  some  useful  indications  as  to  the 
state  of  his  character.  Although  such  tactics  have 
been  followed  too  much  for  curiosity,  and  so  much 
that  is  frivolous  has  been  written;  yet  too  much 
has  been  claimed,  so  that  whatever  is  of  value  has 
been  covered  up. 

Lombroso,  after  leaving  out  of  account  those 
whose  writing  was  wholly  infantile,  divides  520 
criminals  into  two  groups: 

1st  Group.  Homicides,  highway  robbers,  and 
brigands.  The  largest  part  of  these  write  with  let- 
ters lengthened  out;  the  form  is  more  curvilinear  and 
at  the  same  time  more  projecting,  due  to  the  pro- 
longation of  the  letters  either  up  or  down;  in  quite 
a  number  the  cross  for  the  "  t  "  is  heavy  and  pro- 
longed as  is  common  for  warriors  and  energetic 
persons.  All  ornament  their  signature  with  small 
strokes  and  flourishes;  some  terminate  their  names 
with  a  sort  of  hook;  with  others  (assassins)  each 
word  ends  with  a  sharp  vertical  stroke.  Of  96  in- 
dividuals, 36  showed  no  striking  peculiarity. 

2d  Group:  Composed  exclusively  of  thieves 
who  do  not  make  their  letters  curvilinear,  but  all 


112  CRIMINOLOGY. 

letters  are  small;  the  signature  has  nothing  strik- 
ing. On  the  whole  the  writing  is  like  that  of  the 
women.  The  type  for  the  thieves  is  a  species  of 
hook,  a  bending  of  almost  all  the  letters.  Of  106, 
12  had  no  peculiarities.  The  writing  of  the  female 
homicides  resembles  that  of  the  assassins  in  the 
stronger  sex.  In  general  all  female  criminals  ap- 
proach the  masculine  type  of  writing.  This  is  also 
true  of  respectable  women  with  some  energy. 

Lombroso  suggested  to  an  irreproachable  young 
man  in  the  hypnotic  state,  that  he  was  a  brigand, 
and  his  writing  changed  wholly,  he  made  large 
letters  and  enormous  "  t's."  These  results  have 
more  importance  when  we  compare  them  with  the 
insane.  The  insane,  with  exception  of  monoma- 
niacs, have  a  fine  writing,  deformed  by  scrawls, 
cramped,  uneven,  with  the  capital  letters  where 
there  should  be  small  ones;  the  letters  sometimes 
have  a  measured  longness,  or  are  ridiculously  small 
and  never  of  the  same  size. 

Some  maniacs  put  points  over  all  the  letters  or 
between  each  one;  many  monomaniacs  and  partic- 
ularly all  the  insane  or  partially  insane,  who  may 
be  called  literary,  because  they  scribble  yearly 
volumes,  have  the  custom  of  underlining  a  great 
number  of  words  or  of  writing  them  different  from 
the  others  and  tracing  them  with  great  care  in  or- 
der to  imitate  pointed  writing.  With  paralytics 
and  hypochondriacs  the  first  letters  of  each  word 
are  quite  indistinct,  the  last  are  difficult  to  de- 
cipher; all  letters  are  trembling  and  uncertain  and 
often  preceded  by  shapeless  signs,  made  by  a  hesi- 


INTELLIGENCE    OF    CRIMINALS.  113 

tating  pen.  The  "  r's  "  and  the  "  t's  "  of  those 
having  dementia  or  general  paralysis  are  replaced 
by  "  1 "  or  even  suppressed.  The  maniacs  and 
those  with  dementia  place  words  over  one  another 
or  write  them  partly  in  capitals  and  partly  in  small 
letters,  repeating  the  same  letters  eight  or  ten 
times.  A  large  number,  especially  the  monoma- 
niacs, are  not  satisfied  to  follow  the  horizontal  line, 
but  write  vertically  also  and  form  designs  with 
their  words,  which  resemble  pages  for  topograpical 
plans. 

Literature  of  Criminals. 

The  ancients  have  as  models  of  criminal  litera- 
ture the  obscene  books  of  Ovid,  Petronius,  and 
Aretino;  but,  aside  from  their  contents,  they  are 
bad  models,  being  devoid  of  rhetoric  and  of  a  low 
literary  style  as  in  the  popular  almanacs. 

In  Italy  there  is  the  famous  "  Trattato  dei 
Bianti  "  (Treatise  of  Vagabonds);  it  describes  38 
species  of  swindlers  and  vagabonds  of  Central 
Italy,  the  most  curious  of  which  are  the  "  testa- 
tors "  who  feign  dying  in  order  to  leave  their 
property  to  others;  the  "  affarfanti  "  who  pretended 
to  have  expiated  great  crimes  by  cruel  penitences; 
the  "  formigoti  "  who  are  false  soldiers  returning 
from  false  expeditions  to  Palestine.  The 
"  Sbrisci  "  (sliders),  who  go  naked,  pretending  to 
have  been  captured  and  maltreated  by  the  Turks; 
the  "ruffiti,"  false  incendiaries,  who  pretend  to  have 
left  their  homes  in  ruins. 

Out  of  92  little  stories  (bought  at  public  places), 
8 


1X4  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Lombroso  found  20  which   related    to  crime  and 
thefts;  14  were  in  verse  and  6  in  prose. 

But  aside  from  this  literature,  there  is  that  com- 
ing direct  from  prisoners,  the  product  of  long 
leisure  moments  and  of  badly  restrained  passions. 
The  poems  of  this  kind  are  very  numerous  in 
Spain;  and  still  more  so  in  Russia,  where  people 
sing  them  outside  of  the  prisons.  The  following  is 
an  example: 

I  will  pillage  the  merchant  in  his  store, 
I  will  kill  the  noble  in  his  castle, 

I  will  carry  off  the  brandy  and  beautiful  daughter,   and  the 
world  will  know  me  as  a  king. 

One  writing  of  the  prison  says:  "  There  alone 
you  will  find  the  brothers,  there  the  friends,  treas- 
ures, good  repasts,  a  sweet  existence;  outside  you 
will  be  always  in  the  midst  of  your  enemies;  if 
you  cannot  work  you  will  die  of  hunger."  Such 
writings  indicate  how  an  excessive  humanitarian- 
ism  turns  the  prisons  into  comfortable  hotels. 

The  following  shows  some  aesthetical  feeling  in 
criminal  nature:  "  In  the  midst  of  the  place  of 
Vicaria,  with  her  tiny  hands  she  makes  for  me 
signs.  I  saw  that  it  was  my  little  mother,  and  that 
her  eyes  flowed  like  two  fountains.  Mother,  you 
alone  who  think  of  me,  I  am  surrounded  by  evil 
Christians.  We  are  in  hell,  condemned.  And 
you,  dear  mother,  breathe  in  vain  your  prayers." 
Those  are  in  error  who  deny  such  feeling  to  crimi- 
nals. 

Les  Parias  (men  who  are  of  the  lowest  caste  of 


INTELLIGENCE    OF    CRIMINALS.  115 

Indians;  objects  of  contempt)  represents  a  caste 
devoted  to  prostitution;  they  train  their  children 
from  the  sixth  year  on;  if  they  are  not  thieves 
they  are  strolling  actors,  tattooers,  soothsayers,  all 
quite  doubtful  professions.  Notwithstanding  their 
deep  degradation  they  have  composed  fine  poetry 
but  as  far  as  its  content  goes,  except  the  song  of 
"  Tiravallura,"  it  is  very  obscene  and  immoral.  Here 
are  some  of  the  morals  of  their  poems:  "What 
you  cannot  obtain  by  force,  get  by  strategy.  If 
you  know  how  to  put  to  profit  the  deceits  of 
others,  you  will  not  suffer  from  hunger.  Ally  thy- 
self only  with  the  strong;  place  thy  house  near  the 
temple  in  order  to  steal  by  night  the  offerings. 
The  imbeciles  permit  themselves  to  be  deceived  by 
appearances;  endeavor  to  profit  from  them."  A 
jackal,  having  stolen  some  chickens,  thanked  God 
for  favoring  him;  some  one  was  attracted  by  his 
voice,  and  killed  him. 

Moral:  "Take  care  about  confiding  in  God;  the 
most  fervent  prayer  will  not  save  you  from  the 
stroke  of  a  club." 

Some  of  the  songs  show  how,  in  an  uncivilized 
country,  crime  is  considered  right,  or  at  least  only 
a  trivial  sin,  which  is  easy  to  expiate. 

The  songs  of  Corsica  are  almost  all  works  of 
bandits.  They  breathe  vengeance  for  the  murder 
of  a  friend;  hatred  of  enemies,  to  kill  them,  and 
admiration  for  the  murderer.  "  I  have  hope  for 
him;  God  will  permit  that  I  avenge  myself;  my 
account  is  all  made.  I  will  be  conqueror,  killed  or 
bound." 


Il6  CRIMINOLOGY. 

The  writer  of  this,  after  killing  his  victim, 
sprinkled  him  with  pepper,  so  as  to  mark  him  with 
his  seal. 

A  large  part  of  prison  literature  is  in  verse,  per- 
haps because  it  is  more  adapted  to  criminal  pas- 
sions.    Lacenaire  wrote  the  following  : 

"  To  my  love  : 
I  dream  of  thee  in  my  happy  moments,  when  o'er  my  brow 
shine  the  most  vivid  colors  ;  now,  the  dream  has  vanished, 
and  my  lot  must  follow  the  fatal  destiny,  which  would  cast 
me  into  the  field  of  cruel  death.  Wait  for  me  in  heaven, 
thou  beautiful  immortal  one.  Curse  me,  I  laughed  at  your 
meanness,  I  laughed  at  the  gods,  for  you  alone  invented. 
Curse  me,  my  soul  without  feebleness  was  firm  and  frank  in 
its  atrocities.  However  this  soul  was  far  from  being  black. 
I  was  sometimes  kind  to  the  unfortunate  for  virtue's  sake,  if 
my  heart  had  been  able  to  believe,  doubt  it  not,  I  would 
have  been  virtuous." 

Lacenaire,  in  his  autobiography,  tells  some 
truths  about  the  moral  life  in  prison: 

"  If  a  young  man  on  first  entering  prison  does 
not  learn  the  slang,  and  immediately  put  him- 
self down  to  their  level,  he  will  be  declared 
unworthy  to  sit  by  the  side  of  friends;  even  the 
keepers  will  frown  upon  him ;  he  blushes  and 
regrets  that  he  has  not  been  as  bad  as  his  com- 
rades; he  dreads  their  jeers  and  their  con- 
tempt, for  in  prison  one  learns  what  esteem  and 
contempt  mean;  this  explains  why  certain  men  are 
always  happier  in  prison,  because  out  of  prison 
they  receive  nothing  but  disdain.  Thus  the  young 
man,  following  his  models,  in  two  or  three  days 


INTELLIGENCE    OF    CRIMINALS.  117 

learns  the  slang;  now  he  is  no  longer  a  green 
simpleton;  now  friends  will  shake  his  hands 
without  fear  of  compromising  themselves.  The 
young  man  blushes  if  considered  a  novice;  and 
although  he  is  not  yet  entirely  perverted,  the  first 
step  has  been  taken,  and  he  will  never  stop  half 
way. 

"  When  you  paint  the  portrait  of  a  prisoner,  it  will 
represent  some  member  of  society.  Although  the 
prisoner  abandons  his  body  to  everything,  though 
not  always  opaque,  some  among  them  are  trans- 
parent. The  vulgar  sand  which  you  trample 
under  foot  furnishes  a  brilliant  crystal  after  it  has 
passed  through  a  burning  crucible.  Is  a  mountain 
known  if  one  has  not  visited  the  caverns  ?  The 
underground,  though  distant  from  the  light,  is  it 
less  important  than  the  outer  crust  ?  We  have  de- 
formities and  diseases  to  make  us  shudder;  but 
since  when  does  horror  exclude  study,  or  disease 
put  the  physician  at  a  distance  ?"  In  a  letter  he 
wrote  speaking  of  himself:  "  What  a  torment  inac- 
tion is,  for  one  always  accustomed  to  study  !  It 
holds  me  in  a  disgraceful  laziness,  to  petrify  in  the 
bosom  of  misery.  I  have  fear  of  losing  what 
little  intelligence  remains  to  me;  all  creation  is 
based  on  motion  and  work,  all  nature  has  horror 
of  inertia,  and  should  the  prisoner  be  an  exception 
to  this  universal  law?  Some  cry  bread,  bread; 
but  from  the  bottom  of  my  solitary  cell,  I  cry 
work  !  work  !" 

Another  endeavors  to  embellish  some  of  his  bad 
actions,  to  excuse  others,  and  to  invoke  the  fatality 


Il8  CRIMINOLOGY. 

of  the  stars  for  some.  Instead  of  being  repugnant 
to  the  accusation  of  sodomy,  he  maintained  it  was 
a  mark  of  good  taste,  and  that  in  general  crime 
was  permitted  to  some  men,  for  they  were  free 
from  the  law.  Some  of  the  letters  and  poems  of 
Ceresa,  Byron,  and  Foscolo  show  traces  of  the  re- 
morse and  violence  with  which  they  tried  to  rid 
themselves  of  bad  passions.  Ceresa  was  a  sodom- 
ite priest,  who  paints  in  vivid  colors  his  struggle 
against  evil.  So  Byron  and  Toscolo  picture  crime 
and  adultery,  but  are  irritated,  if  taken  too  liter- 
ally. 

Lately  it  is  due  to  Balzac,  Victor  Hugo,  Dumas, 
Sue,  Gaborian,  and  Zola,  that  this  miasma  has  en- 
deavored to  penetrate  into  literature.  But  this 
isolated  phenomenon  may  not  always  endure;  the 
vain  pleasure,  the  new  and  better  taste  which  pro- 
voke parallel  odors;  should  have  an  antidote  in  the 
contempt  which  is  aroused  in  the  mind  of  the 
reader  True  art  loves  to  hover  in  purity  and 
serenity;  and  this  all  the  more,  when  it  sees  the 
great  contrast  around  it.     (Lombroso.) 

The  literary  productions  of  the  insane  resemble 
those  of  the  criminal  in  autobiographical  tenden- 
cies, in  vivacity  of  complaint  and  its  little  details. 
But  the  productions  of  criminals  excel  by  their 
burning  and  passionate  eloquence.  The  criminals 
show  less  lightness  and  more  originality  of  form, 
except  when  they  lose  themselves  in  the  play  of 
words  or  rhymes  or  homophonies,  which  the  insane 
always  seek. 


CHAPTER  V. 

ASSOCIATIONS   OF  CRIMINALS. 

Associations  of  criminals  strengthen  criminality 
and  engender  an  evil  ferment,  which,  multiplying 
anew  old  savage  tendencies,  develops  them  by  a 
sort  of  discipline,  and  by  the  vanity  in  crime  makes 
criminals  commit  atrocities  which  would  be  repug- 
nant in  many  cases,  if  they  were  alone.  These 
associations  are  more  abundant  in  large  cities;  in 
general,  the  more  civilized  the  country  the  less 
solid  they  are,  and  the  less  bloody,  and  are  more 
like  political  and  commercial  societies.  The  pur- 
pose is  almost  always  to  appropriate  the  property 
of  others;  they  unite  against  the  laws.  Sometimes 
there  are  associations  for  abortion  and  poisoning. 
Societies  range  from  pederasty,  which  gives  to  vice 
the  appearance  of  the  most  delicate  virtue,  to 
homicide,  committed  without  any  desire  of  gain, 
but  simply  for  the  pleasure  that  flowing  blood 
gives;  to  cannibalism  and  rape,  inspired  by  religious 
fanaticism. 

As  to  sex,  the  associations  of  men  are  almost  the 
only  ones.  Women  sometimes  have  associations 
for  poisoning,  or  serve  as  receivers  of  stolen  goods, 
or  as  indicators  or  mistresses.     The  associations 


120  CRIMINOLOGY. 

are  composed  almost  wholly  of  young  and  unmar- 
ried men;  many  are  legitimate  children,  without 
instruction,  exercising  a  manual  trade,  or  are  in 
the  army.  Criminals  of  education  are  mostly  in 
large  cities;  some  are  of  good  family;  often  asso- 
ciations will  be  formed  in  the  bosom  of  non-crimi- 
nal societies.  A  band  at  Paris  called  the  "  habits 
noirs  "  carried  the  latest  fashion;  a  captain  of  the 
National  Guard  was  commander  of  another.  As  to 
organization,  many  have  an  armed  chief  with  dic- 
tatorial power,  and,  as  in  the  case  of  savage  tribes, 
his  authority  comes  from  personal  qualities.  Some- 
times there  is  a  division  of  labor;  there  is  an  exe- 
cutioner, a  schoolmaster,  a  secretary,  a  commercial 
traveler,  and  even  a  priest  and  physician.  All  have 
an  unwritten  code,  which  is  respected  to  the  letter. 
The  bands  of  Sicily,  Puglia,  Lombardy  require  a 
majority  vote  for  admission;  disobedience  of  the 
laws  is  punished  by  death;  there  is  a  sort  of  a  trial, 
but  the  verdict  is  always  unfavorable;  one  acts  as 
public  accuser;  the  prisoner  defends  himself;  the 
chiefs  of  the  band  are  the  judges. 

One  of  the  greatest  offenses  is  to  steal  for  one's 
self  without  giving  a  part  to  the  society.  The 
revealing  of  a  crime  committed  with  the  accom- 
plices comes  next  in  gravity.  In  the  courts  one 
excused  himself  for  not  knowing  the  misdeeds  of 
his  companions,  because  he  would  not  have  been 
able  to  have  informed  himself  without  disobeying 
the  law.  Some  bands  of  Ravenna  gave  the  name 
of  master  to  their  chief,  and  before  committing 
murder  would  take  the  oath  over  a  dagger.     Some 


ASSOCIATIONS    OF    CRIMINALS.  121 

would  warn  their  victims  beforehand  by  symbolic 
threatenings.  Some  associations  are  not  allowed 
to  steal  in  the  locality  where  they  live  so  as  to  have 
a  safe  domicile.  If  anyone  is  put  in  prison  for  a 
small  offense,  they  take  the  precaution  to  hide  nails 
and  files  in  the  cracks  of  the  walls.  When  they 
walk  with  their  booty  the  women  go  ahead,  hold- 
ing the  packages  as  if  they  were  nursing  a  child. 
In  another  band  each  had  a  manual  for  action,  a 
dictionary  of  argot,  and  his  particular  task.  Some 
imitated  epileptics,  others  the  insane,  and  others 
deaf-mutes.  Some,  in  feigning  an  epileptic  fit,  fall 
down  in  a  crowded  thoroughfare  while  consorts 
pick  the  pockets  of  those  anxious  to  see  the  suf- 
ferer. 

The  most  complete  organization  is  the  "  Ca- 
morra  "  in  Naples.  It  is  composed  of  a  number  of 
prisoners  or  former  prisoners  ;  small  independent 
groups  are  formed  ;  but  under  one  hierarchy.  An 
aspirant  for  candidacy  ("  picciotto ")  must  prove 
his  courage  and  show  that  he  can  keep  a  secret. 
For  this  reason  he  mnst  wound  or  kill  anyone  who 
would  name  to  him  the  sect.  If  victims  were 
wanting,  he  must  fight  with  one  of  his  future 
colleagues  with  a  knife.  Formerly  the  task  was 
more  difficult  ;  he  was  obliged  to  raise  a  piece  of 
money,  while  the  Camorrists  pierced  it  with  their 
daggers.  The  "  picciotto  "  (candidate)  must  sub- 
mit to  the  apprenticeship  of  two,  three,  and  some- 
times eight  years ;  he  is  under  another,  who 
gives  him  the  most  fatiguing  and  perilous  things 
to  do,  allowing  him  a  few  cents  once  in  awhile  for 


122  CRIMINOLOGY. 

charity's  sake.  After  he  has  gained  the  esteem  of 
his  master,  by  force  of  zeal  and  submission,  his 
master  calls  a  meeting,  and  his  reception  as  a 
Camorrist  is  deliberated  upon.  If  received,  he 
must  fight  again  in  the  presence  of  the  assembly  ; 
he  takes  the  oath  over  two  daggers  in  the  form  of 
a  cross  :  to  be  faithful  to  his  associates,  to  show 
himself  in  everything  the  enemy  of  authority,  to 
have  no  relation  at  all  with  the  police,  never  to 
denounce  thieves,  but  to  have  for  them  a  particular 
affection,  as  towards  people  who  expose  their  life 
continually.  After  this,  a  banquet  finishes  the 
celebration.  Each  one  can  show  his  grade  to  a 
superior  and  can  kill  the  superior,  should  he  (the 
superior)  wound  him  dangerously.  The  Camor- 
rists  are  divided  into  simple  members  and  pro- 
prietors (veterans  and  senators  of  the  band);  they 
elect  from  among  the  most  courageous  and  richest 
a  chief  whom  they  call  "  Maestro  "  or  "  Si."  The 
"Si"  cannot  make  an  important  decision,  without 
consulting  the  electors  ;  their  discussions  are  as  if 
for  life  and  death.  The  "  Si  "  has  an  assistant,  a 
treasurer,  and  secretary  ;  he  must  regulate  tne  dis- 
putes ;  for  this  he  has  three  weapons  ;  he  must 
propose  punishments,  which  vary  from  deprivation 
of  part  or  all  of  the  booty,  to  branding  or  to  death; 
or  mercy  may  be  accorded  generously  in  fortunate 
circumstances  by  acclamation.  But  his  most  im- 
portant duty  is  to  distribute  each  Sunday  "  la 
camorra  "  a  little  vessel  or  little  piece  ;  this  is  the 
product  of  regular  extortions  in  gambling-rooms 
or  bordells,  or  it  may  come  from  venders  of  news- 


ASSOCIATIONS    OF    CRIMINALS.  1 23 

papers,  from  hackmen,  or  beggars  ;  or  from 
prisoners  who  were  the  first  field  of  cultivation 
and  furnish  still  the  best  revenue.  Upon  entering 
prison,  the  unfortunate  must  pay,  "  V  huile  pour  la 
madone  "  ("  Madonna  "),  he  then  gives  a  tenth  of 
all  his  possessions,  and  he  must  pay  for  drinks  and 
food,  for  gambling,  for  selling  or  buying,  and  for 
sleeping  on  an  easier  bed.  The  poorest  ones  are 
ruined  by  these  extortions  ;  they  are  sometimes 
forced  to  sell  part  of  their  ration  and  some  of  their 
scanty  clothes,  should  they  wish  to  smoke  a  pipe 
or  have  a  party  ;  if  they  did  not  wish  to  gamble, 
they  would  be  compelled  to,  for  gambling  is  the 
principal  revenue  of  the  Camorrist.  Their  code  is 
not  written  or  formulated  but  is  followed  with  ex- 
actness. The  Camorrist  cannot  kill  a  comrade 
without  permission  from  the  chief  ;  but  in  revenge 
he  can  make  away  with  anyone  else,  with  the  hope 
of  establishing  his  reputation.  A  Camorrist  can 
suspend  an  inferior  from  five  to  eighteen  days. 
Anyone  is  condemned  to  death  who  betrays  the 
society,  or  who  kills  or  steals  without  the  order  of 
the  chiefs,  or  steals  a  part  of  the  "  camorra,"  or 
violates  the  wife  of  a  chief,  or  refuses  to  commit  a 
murder  when  he  has  received  the  order,  or  attempts 
to  change  the  statutes  of  the  association,  or  shows 
himself  cowardly,  in  which  case  anyone  in  the 
society  has  the  right  to  strike  him,  provided  he 
does  it  in  the  presence  of  two  witnesses.  In  the 
other  cases  the  society  is  called  together  to  pro- 
nounce the  judgment. 

If  there  are  doubts  as  to  the  fidelity  of  a  col- 


124  CRIMINOLOGY. 

league,  they  send  him  a  plate  of  macaroni  before 
condemning  him;  if  he  refuses  to  eat  it  (from  fear 
of  poison  perhaps),  they  feel  certain  of  his  guilt, 
and  his  condemnation  is  solemnly  pronounced;  fate 
(the  lot)  indicates  the  apprentice,  who  shall  execute 
the  sentence.  Sometimes  two  men  are  chosen,  one 
to  commit  the  murder  or  to  strike  the  prescribed 
blow,  the  other  to  take  upon  himself  the  respons- 
ibility of  it  and  to  endure  the  pain;  this  latter  pro- 
cedure was  to  obtain  advancement;  this  would 
give  him  a  heroic  name  as  a  martyr  of  honor. 
These  sentences  are  executed  with  strict  punctual- 
ity, as  may  be  seen  from  the  following  circum- 
stance. In  1876  among  those  imprisoned  at  the 
fortress  of  "  Ischia,"  was  Joseph  of  Liberto.  He 
came  (moaning)  to  make  to  the  governor  of  the 
castle  the  following  statement:  "  In  the  part  of  the 
castle  assigned  to  the  convicts,  a  Camorrahad  been 
established  for  some  time,  and  to  my  misfortune  I 
found  myself  one  of  the  chiefs.  Among  the  laws 
is  found  this  one,  which  is  to  compel  all  the  con- 
victs to  pay  us  ten  centimes  (2  cents)  a  day.  A  cer- 
tain Raso  would  not  submit  to  this.  We,  the  chiefs 
of  the  Camorra,  have  voted  unanimously  to  put  him 
to  death,  but  the  lot  fell  to  me  to  strike  Raso.  I 
accepted,  I  should  commit  the  crime  this  morning. 
But  on  reflection  at  the  sad  consequences  of  such 
a  deed,  the  cause  of  which  would  be  insignificant 
(only  a  few  centimes),  I  restrained  my  arm  and 
went  out  of  the  castle.  I  beg  of  you  to  isolate  me, 
for  my  comrades,  after  this  treachery,  would  kill 
me  without  pity."     But  there  are  cases  of  mercy. 


ASSOCIATIONS   OF   CRIMINALS.  1 25 

A  young  girl,  whose  lover  had  been  condemned  to 
death  by  the  Camorra  for  refusing  to  pay  his  con- 
tribution, asked  for  his  pardon,  and  it  was  accorded 
to  her  with  Olympian  majesty.  Between  societies 
wholly  different,  disputes  are  referred  to  the  chief 
of  a  third  party.  If  his  decision  is  not  satisfactory 
to  both  adversaries,  they  are  at  liberty  to  resort 
to  arms. 

TheCamorrist  is  the  judge  of  his  compatriots  as 
to  gambling  or  quarrels  ;  he  maintains  order  in 
the  houses  of  prostitution  and  prisons,  favoring 
those  who  have  paid  their  dues.  In  turn,  he  holds 
the  taxes  furnished  by  the  prison;  he  lays  aside  a 
reserve  fund  which  serves  to  prevent  the  killing  of 
the  poor,  unfortunate  one,  who  has  been  completely 
stripped;  this  also  helps  to  maintain  him  in  still 
greater  subjection.  The  aged  Camorrists  and  their 
widows  receive  a  regular  pension. 

The  Maffia. 

The  word  "  Maffia"  originates  from  the  stone 
quarries,  called  "  Maffie,"  where  bad  subjects  used 
to  hide  themselves.  The  "  Maffiosi,"  or  members 
of  the  society,  are  a  variety  of  the  old  Camorrists, 
perhaps  on  account  of  their  great  tenacity  in  keep- 
ing a  secret,  a  quality  proper  to  Semitic  races; 
perhaps  also  from  their  extension  into  the  higher 
classes  of  society.  This  society  springs  from  a 
feudal  organization.  The  members  follow  their 
code  faithfully,  and  apply  it  with  vigor.  Here  are 
some  of  the  principal  articles:  To  keep  absolute 
silence  concerning  the  crimes  of  which  they  are 


126  CRIMINOLOGY. 

witnesses,  and  to  be  ready  to  give  false  testimony 
in  order  to  cover  up  traces;  to  give  protection  to 
the  rich,  for  many  reasons;  to  defy  public  force  at 
all  times  and  everywhere,  and  always  to  be  armed; 
to  fight  a  duel  for  the  most  frivolous  motives,  and 
not  to  hesitate  to  stab  treacherously;  to  avenge  at 
any  price  injuries  received,  even  if  one  is  intimately 
related  to  the  offender.  Whoever  is  found  want- 
ing in  any  of  these  respects  is  declared  "  infamous," 
which  means  that  he  should  be  killed  without 
delay,  even  if  in  prison;  there,  if  weapons  to  strike 
him  are  wanting,  one  should  suffocate  him  in  the 
pail  for  excrements.  If  a  member  receives  an 
order  to  give  himself  up  to  death,  knowing  the 
condemnation  to  be  irrevocable,  he  stoically  obeys. 
Before  killing  a  comrade,  one  notifies  him  by  draw- 
ing a  cross  on  his  door,  or  by  shooting  a  pistol  at 
his  house.  Lombroso  has  seen  many  escape  death 
by  imploring  to  be  shut  up  alone  in  a  prison  cell. 

If  mutual  denunciation  or  anarchy  were  allowed, 
such  a  society  of  bloodthirsty  men  could  not 
exist  for  long  as  an  organization.  It  is  other- 
wise natural  that  a  body  of  men  living  together 
for  some  time,  adopt  a  special  mode  of  life.  The 
laws  of  criminal  societies  are  sometimes  violated 
by  their  authors ;  this  gives  us  an  idea  of  an 
organization  holding  a  place  between  anarchy  and 
despotism  as  is  the  case  among  many  savage  peo- 
ples. 

It  is  the  habit  of  thieves  to  steal  from  one 
another,  and  for  assassins  to  choke  one  another. 
The  Camorra  and  Maffia  are  varieties  of  low  brig- 


ASSOCIATIONS   OF   CRIMINALS.  1 27 

andage.  They  like  to  be  distinguished  from 
other  criminals  ;  to  share  one  another's  joys,  to 
wear  a  certain  kind  of  uniform.  Like  ordinary 
rascals  they  have  their  argot :  they  say  "  sleep  " 
for  death  ;  "  cats  "  for  war  ;  "  ruby  "  for  eye  ;  "tic- 
tac  "  for  a  revolver  ;  they  call  themselves  "  com- 
panions," as  French  criminals  are  called  "  friends." 
The  member  of  the  "Camorra"  and  of  the  Maffia 
has  his  principal  domicile  in  the  prison.  He  is 
implacable  in  his  enmities.  One  of  them  wishing 
to  avenge  an  offense  and  feeling  himself  the  weaker 
one,  kept  his  vengeance  for  fifteen  years,  until  at 
last  his  adversary  was  condemned  to  death  ;  then 
he  petitioned  the  Naples  Court  and  obtained  the 
favor  of  filling  the  office  of  executioner.  Another, 
near  the  point  of  death  from  consumption,  hearing 
that  one  of  his  comrades  was  making  offensive  pro- 
posals as  to  his  account,  immediately  left  his  bed, 
went  to  the  tavern,  killed  his  comrade,  and  died  a 
few  moments  after  from  the  extreme  effort. 

Among  the  officers  of  the  Camorra  at  Naples  at 
one  time  there  was  a  surgeon  charged  to  disarticu- 
late the  fingers  of  the  "  picciotti,"  so  that  they 
might  be  more  expert  at  stealing.  There  is  a  code 
of  a  band  of  criminals  formerly  at  Paris  ;  the 
articles  of  this  code  and  the  manner  of  operating 
are  somewhat  as  follows  :  To  avoid  so  dressing  as 
to  aid  in  detection  ;  not  to  have  shoes  which  make 
a  noise  ;  to  walk  backwards  wherever  the  foot 
leaves  any  mark ;  to  take  lodging  under  an 
assumed  name ;  to  leave  neither  the  real  nor 
assumed  name  upon  a  card  or  book  ;  not  to  have 


128  CRIMINOLOGY. 

a  mistress  in  a  serious  way,  but  only  temporarily; 
not  to  make  known  for  a  moment  to  one's  mis- 
tress the  secrets  of  the  society  ;  not  to  employ 
arms  except  in  cases  of  extreme  necessity,  as 
where,  for  example,  the  criminal  is  recognized,  or 
the  victim  takes  to  flight  or  begins  to  cry  out ; 
the  code  indicates  when  arms  should  be  used. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

CRIMINAL   CONTAGION. 

Reformation  from  prison  life  in  the  majority  of 
cases  would  seem  to  be  a  myth.  Lacenaire,  the 
celebrated  criminal,  has  said  that  a  young  man  in 
prison,  on  hearing  of  the  adventures  of  the  others, 
begins  to  regret  that  he  was  not  a  greater  criminal 
himself. 

The  young  man,  surrounded  for  a  long  time  with 
murderers,  poisoners,  thieves,  violators,  and  pe- 
derasts, leaves  the  prison  with  a  blunted,  if  not 
extinguished,  moral  conscience;  for  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  the  company  is  not  always  so  re- 
pulsive, as  many  criminals  have  both  winning  ways 
and  pleasant  manners. 

Contagion  from  the  Press. 

This  indirect  contagion  is  as  certain  as  the  direct, 
which  comes  from  surroundings,  often  from  in- 
fancy.    Aubry  gives  several  cases  in  illustration: 

A  woman  of  Geneva,  Switzerland,  in  1885  killed 
her  four  children,  then  tried  to  commit  suicide.  In 
her  autobiography  were  these  words:  "  As  a  woman 
did  it,  which  was  in  the  newspaper." 

In  1 88 1  a  lad  of  15  years  stole  from  his  patron; 
9 


130  CRIMINOLOGY. 

when  the  money  was  spent  he  found  a  child  and 
stabbed  it  in  the  abdomen,  and  as  he  cut  its  throat 
he  said:  M  I  have  often  read  novels,  and  in  one  of 
them  I  found  the  description  of  a  scene  parallel  to 
this  which  I  have  executed." 

A  young  man  of  23  years  commenced  in  Sep- 
tember of  1880  to  steal  frem  his  patron;  in  No- 
vember he  bought  a  revolver;  in  June,  on  the  17th, 
at  about  half  past  nine  in  the  evening,  he  walked 
by  a  group  of  several  persons  without  speaking  to 
them;  scarcely  had  he  passed,  when  he  thought  he 
heard  sneering  and  hallooing,  in  which  he  could 
distinguish,  "Raise  it";  he  turned  and  fired  five 
times  without  saying  a  word,  wounding  two;  a  little 
farther  on  he  saw  another  individual  sitting  on  a 
bank,  noticed  that  he  was  alone,  passed  him  four 
or  five  steps,  and  then  turned  and  fired;  his  victim 
died  soon  afterwards;  such  are  the  facts  of  his 
crime. 

In  his  autobiography  was  the  following:  "  The 
consequences  of  crime  are  advantageous  to  society. 
There  is  a  certain  number  of  the  population  (and 
they  are  the  most  numerous)  who  buy  newspapers 
simply  to  read  the  exceptional  occurrences.  If  we 
suppress  crime  there  are  no  more  buyers,  and  con- 
sequently no  more  employed  to  work  at  the  rag- 
trade.  I  do  not  wish  to  lose  my  liberty  for  trifles. 
I  have  always  had  horror  of  imprisonment,  and  I 
much  prefer  capital  punishment.  Lacenaire  is  a 
splendid  man,  a  powerful  individuality;  his  work 
leads  to  enormous  deductions.  Shall  I  finish  as 
Lacenaire  ?  My  conscience  answers,  possibly.  Poet, 


CRIMINAL   CONTAGION.  131 

thief,  assassin,  a  singular  gradation;  but  I  have  gone 
half  way,  it  would  be  stupid  to  arrest  a  career 
which  promises  such  good  results." 

This  man  was  deficient  in  moral  education.  In- 
telligent as  he  was  proud  and  ambitious,  he  had  ex- 
perienced illusions;  at  one  time  he  had  attempted 
suicide;  later,  under  the  influence  of  bad  reading, 
he  had  debased  his  judgment,  and  composed  a 
morality  for  his  own  use,  and  thus  became  a  subject 
of  undoubted  perversity. 

Tropman,  the  celebrated  criminal,  who  killed  a 
family  with  poison  and  pick-ax,  confessed  that  the 
cause  of  his  demoralization  was  the  reading  of 
novels.  By  living  in  this  imaginary  world  he 
developed  a  strong  passion  for  heroes  of  the  prison 
who  recover  honesty  with  the  spoils  of  their  victims 
and  die  administrators  of  some  charity.  The  read- 
ing about  crime,  and  the  seeing  it  illustrated  in 
newspapers,  are,  of  course,  not  the  only  elements 
that  render  one  apt  to  commit  crime,  but  still  these 
are  of  great  importance  as  factors.  If  this  happens 
in  the  case  of  those  of  relatively  sound  mind,  the 
influence  is  still  worse  on  the  weak-minded,  insane, 
and  the  cranks.  On  November  4,  1825,  a  woman 
laid  her  child  on  its  back  across  the  bed;  with  one 
hand  she  seized  its  head,  which  hung  over  the  part 
of  the  bed,  and  with  the  other  hand  she  sawed  its 
neck  so  quickly  that  the  child  had  not  time  to  utter 
a  cry.  This  was  noised  about  in  all  Paris.  A  few 
days  after,  a  mother  of  four  children  came  to  the 
doctor  who  had  directed  the  consultation  in  regard 
to  the  murderer,  and  said:  "  I  am  in  most  terrible 

/ 


132  CRIMINOLOGY. 

despair  since  hearing  of  this  murder.  I  am  tor- 
mented by  the  devil  to  kill  the  youngest  of  my 
children.  I  fear  I  cannot  resist  it.  Will  you  recom- 
mend me  to  Dr.  Esquirol  that  he  may  admit  me 
into  his  hospital  ? "  It  was  done,  and  she  recovered. 
Another  woman,  who  had  recently  given  birth  to  a 
child,  having  heard  of  this  same  murder  was  taken 
with  a  monomania  for  homicide;  she  struggled 
against  it;  finally  she  asked  her  husband  to  have 
her  shut  up.  Two  other  cases  are  positively  known 
to  have  been  caused  or  occasioned  by  the  knowl- 
edge of  this  one  murder.  It  is  at  first  with  repul- 
sion that  one  hears  of  the  details  of  crime,  but  with 
repetition  there  gradually  comes  an  indifference  to 
the  whole  matter.  Then  one  may  begin  to  look 
complacently  upon  crime.  The  publication  of 
these  cruel  details  tends  to  harden  the  finer  sensi- 
bilities in  most  persons,  and  in  many  weak  ones 
can  lead  to  overt  acts.  As  before  referred  to,  it  is 
just  those  persons,  numerous  in  every  community, 
who,  morally  weak  or  on  the  borders  of  insanity  or 
insane,  or  sometimes  eccentric,  are  affected  most 
by  the  detailed  publication  of  crime  in  popular 
form,  as  is  common  in  the  newspapers. 

Contagion  by  Vitriol  or  Revolver. 

Contagion  here  is  sufficiently  frequent.  A  woman 
employs  the  vitriol  to  satisfy  her  vengeance;  the 
details  are  published  in  the  newspapers;  another 
woman  in  like  situation  finds  this  method  conve- 
nient. Such  cases  are  where  the  woman  wishes  to 
disfigure,  but  not  to  kill. 


CRIMINAL    CONTAGION.  133 

r 

The  classical  cases  are  those  of  seduction  and 
abandonment.  A  young  man  makes  the  acquaint- 
ance of  a  young  girl  of  the  lower  classes;  he  prom- 
ises marriage,  but  time  passes  and  his  passion  goes 
out.  Often  the  social  customs  do  not  permit  marri- 
age with  one  of  a  lower  class;  the  young  man  marries 
another;  a  natural  feminine  jealousy  springs  up;  first 
to  kill  him,  but  that  requires  courage,  and,  besides, 
she  does  not  really  hate  him,  but  she  has  heard 
about  vitriolizing;  this  would  be  convenient.  She 
reads  of  a  case  in  the  newspaper;  there  was  a  gra- 
cious acquittal.  Besides,  if  she  disfigures  her 
former  friend,  his  present  wife  will  not  like  it; 
perhaps  would  not  wish  to  have  anything  more  to 
do  with  him;  then  he  would  return  to  her.  This 
seems  to  her  a  capital  thing  to  do.  She  may  get 
renown  for  it  also;  the  newspapers  like  to  print 
racy  articles. 

Revolver. 

Those  who  use  the  revolver,  although  more 
dangerous,  are  not  perhaps  of  so  mean  or  low  a 
nature  as  those  who  employ  vitriol;  the  latter  class 
move  in  a  lower  grade  of  society.  A  married  woman 
in  the  higher  society  was  indignant  at  odious  stories 
circulated  about  her  life  when  she  was  a  young 
girl;  a  woman  and  a  man  were  the  parties  who 
were  talking  thus  about  her.  First  she  tried  to 
take  justice  into  her  own  hands;  then  she  had  the 
man  brought  before  the  court  for  false  testimony; 
he  was  condemned  for  two  years;  but  he  appealed, 
the  case  was  delayed;  in  departing  from  the  court, 


134  CRIMINOLOGY. 

as  he  went  out,  she  discharged  six  balls;  he  was 
taken  to  the  hospital  and  died;  the  journals  gave 
columns  daily  to  the  case,  giving  personal  details 
as  to  the  accused;  she  was  acquitted  with  the 
applause  of  the  crowd  and  the  journals.  In  a  few 
days  the  following  conversation  took  place  between 
another  man  and  his  wife:  "  If  you  were  one  of  the 
jury,  what  would  you  have  done  ? "  "I  would 
have  acquitted  her,"  answered  the  husband.  Then 
the  wife  began  to  sob.  "Why  do  you  cry  ?"  asked 
the  husband.  "  Ah,"  with  exultation  she  said,  "  I 
am  glad  you  are  a  man  of  soul."  This  same  wo- 
man, later  on,  was  followed  by  an  architect  of 
note;  becoming  exasperated  by  his  importunities 
and  declarations  of  love  she  finally  shot  him.  The 
cause  was  the  making  a  heroine  out  of  the  first 
woman  by  the  public  and  press, 

Poisoning. 

The  crime  of  poisoning  came  to  France  from 
Italy.  Poisoning  was  done  with  a  bouquet,  with  a 
pair  of  gloves,  with  a  letter,  and  even  with  a  torch; 
Pope  Clement  VII.  was  killed  with  a  candle ; 
in  the  second  half  of  the  reign  of  Louis  XIV.  this 
form  of  crime  was  prevalent;  the  striking  thing 
was  that  the  great  majority  of  cases  were  among 
the  nobility.  Poisoning  is  now  on  the  decline,  as 
indicated  in  the  following  table,  given  by  Aubry: 
From  1825  to  1830  there  were  150  cases;  1830-35, 
J45;  1835-40,221;  1840-45,250;  1845-50,259;  1850- 
55,  294;  1855-60,  281;  1860-65,  181;  1865-70,  165; 
x87o-75,  99;    1875-80,  78.     For   the  last   25   years 


CRIMINAL   CONTAGION.  135 

the  decrease  is  a  marked  one,  owing  to  new 
processes  and  to  the  progress  of  science  in  finding 
the  least  traces  of  toxical  substances  in  the  organ- 
ism; thus  poisoning  tends  to  disappear  while 
general  criminality  seems  to  increase.  This  period 
coincides  with  the  epoch  when  chemical  discover- 
ies began. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

CRIMINAL   HYPNOTISM. 

Almost  all  the  crimes  committed  by  hypnotizers 
on  those  hypnotized  are  violations  or  outrages  of 
modesty.  In  the  lethargic  or  cataleptic  state,  the 
subject  is  easily  influenced;  here  also  somnambu- 
lism offers  some  dangers.  The  affective  sentiments 
towards  the  hypnotizer  are  strongly  manifested  in 
many  cases;  the  subject,  isolated  from  the  entire 
world,  only  sees  the  hypnotizer.  It  is  easy  to 
comprehend  the  danger  to  one  in  a  mental  state 
like  this.  At  this  point  the  actions  of  a  person 
might  seem  voluntary,  and  so  not  constitute  a 
crime,  but  the  hypnotizer  or  magnetizer  who 
profits  in  the  somnambulism  from  similar  disposi- 
tions of  mind,  is  guilty  of  the  crime  of  violation. 
In  the  state  of  lethargy  one  does  not  remember  on 
awaking  what  transpired  in  this  stage  of  the  sleep, 
or  the  recollection  is  so  confused  that  the  testi- 
mony cannot  be  trusted.  There  is  also  a  lucid 
lethargy,  a  still  less  degree  of  hypnosis.  This  state 
is  important  when  the  question  of  simulation 
arises,  but  in  this  state  the  recollection  can  gener- 
ally be  trusted.  In  some  cases  of  violation  the 
victim  passes  from  lucid  lethargy  to  complete  leth- 


CRIMINAL    HYPNOTISM.  137 

argy;  certain  things  are  remembered,  while  others 
are  confused  or  forgotten. 

Somnambulism  can  serve  for  the  committing  of 
a  voluntary  abduction,  one  might  say:  the  indivi- 
dual is  plunged  into  lethargy,  and  his  totally 
unconscious  state  serves  to  carry  him  away.  Cer- 
tain magnetizers  of  India  were  accustomed  to 
employ  this  means  to  rob  children.  When  there  is 
a  bodily  and  mental  passivity,  it  almost  always 
takes  place  in  the  lethargic  state.  A  dishonest 
hypnotizer,  owing  to  the  remembrance  of  the  facts 
of  real  life  in  the  somnambulistic  state,  can  gain 
knowledge  from  his  subject  that  he  could  not  if 
his  subject  were  in  his  ordinary  state.  Giraud, 
Teulon,  and  Li^beault  give  cases  of  this  kind.  Gil- 
les  de  la  Tourette  speaks  of  not  always  receiving 
an  answer  to  every  question,  but  some  even  falsify 
to  cut  short  the  importunity  of  the  suggestion.  As 
to  offenses  against  morals,  including  confidences 
and  confessions,  there  is  much  doubt;  and,  accord- 
ing to  Gilles  de  la  Tourette  there  need  be  no  great 
apprehensions  from  the  misuse  of  hypnotism  in 
such  cases,  for  the  cases  of  this  nature  that  are 
cited  are  simply  and  purely  experimental.  In 
actual  life  the  difficulties  are  so  great  that  a  crime 
in  the  line  of  confidences  or  confessions  would 
soon  be  detected;  the  hypnotizer  also  would  be 
easily  found  out.  Also,  in  post-hypnotic  states, 
where  murder  can  be  committed  that  was  sug- 
gested during  the  hypnotic  condition,  the  magnet- 
izer  or  hypnotizer  would  soon  be  detected.  Here 
is  a  supposed  case  given  by  Charcot:  "A"  desires 


I38  CRIMINOLOGY. 

to  take  revenge  on  "  B."  "  A"  has  a  patient  whom 
he  can  put  into  the  somnambulistic  condition.  He 
suggests  to  his  subject  to  go  and  kill  "  B,"  com- 
manding him  at  the  same  time  not  to  recall  any- 
thing in  the  second  hypnotization.  Experiment- 
ally this  is  realized,  but  the  conditions  are  not  the 
same  in  actual  life,  for  the  magnetizer  would  be 
sure  to  be  found  out.  What  does  "  A"  do  ?  At 
the  hour  suggested,  while  in  hypnotic  state,  the 
patient  now  in  his  natural  or  ordinary  state,  has  a 
thought  (unknown  to  him  until  present  time)  that 
he  must  kill  "  B."  He  arms  himself  and  does  it, 
no  matter  where  he  finds  him.  Of  course,  he  is 
totally  unaware  that  any  such  order  was  given  him 
in  the  hypnotic  condition.  The  patient  is,  of 
course,  arrested.  What  does  he  say  ?  Nothing,  or 
rather  he  tries  to  exculpate  himself.  To  do  it,  he 
must  invent  a  story  out  of  whole  cloth;  but  this 
would  soon  fall  to  pieces.  It  would  not  be  long 
before  he  would  be  shown  to  be  a  neuropathic 
person,  or  hysterical,  or  easily  hypnotizable;  the 
patient  would  soon  suspect  that  his  magnetizer 
had  suggested  this  to  him,  and  would  have  no 
reason  to  keep  silent  as  to  a  man  who  had  taken 
such  advantage  of  him.  "A"  would  be  sure  to  be 
caught.  It  would  be  much  safer  for  a  magnetizer 
to  do  the  murdering  himself.  But  there  are  dan- 
gers for  the  honest  and  upright  hypnotizer;  there 
are  cases  where  a  hysterical  person  accuses  the 
magnetizer  of  abusing  her  or  violating  her.  This 
comes  from  pure  imagination,  or  malice,  or  some 
ulterior  purpose,  for  the  character  of  those  hypno- 


CRIMINAL    HYPNOTISM.  I39 

tized  is  not  always  beyond  question,  and  it  is  not 
difficult  to  see  how  an  honest  hypnotizer  might 
be  made  to  suffer  severely.  Sometimes  women  of 
doubtful  reputation  go  to  be  hypnotized  for  the  very 
purpose  of  blackmail  and  scandal,  and  it  is  a  legal 
platitude  that  a  jury  will  believe  a  woman's  story 
where  she  claims  her  virtue  is  at  stake  much  easier 
than  the  testimony  of  a  man.  Violations  are  pos- 
sible both  in  the  lethargic  and  somnambulistic 
states.  In  both  states  forgetfulness  of  what  passed 
during  the  sleep  occurs  on  waking  up;  neverthe- 
less, if  the  crime  is  committed  in  the  somnambu- 
listic state,  the  memory  of  it  can  be  recalled  at  the 
time  of  a  second  hypnotization.  The  criminal  can 
make  use  of  both  states.  The  evidence  of  violation 
in  either  of  these  states  is  circumstantial.  After 
examining  the  physical  state  of  the  plaintiff,  and 
finding  that  she  is  hysterical,  the  expert  should 
now  see  if  she  is  hypnotizable;  and,  if  easily  so, 
whether  a  complete  insensibility  can  be  obtained.  In 
the  case  of  simulators  who  can  be  hypnotized,  one 
must  see  if  their  sleep  is  deep  enough  to  permit  a 
crime.  Many  hypnotizatioris  are  generally  neces- 
sary. The  consciousness  of  the  violation  can  exist 
at  the  time,  and  also  the  memory  of  it  after  awak- 
ing; the  victim  can  will  to  cry,  and  yet  be  unable 
to.  The  simulators  can  make  the  claim  that,  in 
in  their  sleep,  they  willed  resistance,  but  could  not 
carry  it  out.  They  are  mostly  hysterical  persons. 
At  this  stage,  convulsive  attacks  are  the  great  cri- 
terion of  the  neurosis. 

Brouardel  says  that,  however  good  the  ability  to 


I40  CRIMINOLOGY. 

simulate,  it  is  impossible  when  one  provokes  the 
contraction  of  the  sterno-mastoid  muscle,  or  of  a 
group  of  muscles  enervated  by  the  same  nerve,  or 
when  the  experiment  of  colors  in  vision  is  tried. 
Violation  in  the  somnambulistic  state  may  take 
place  with  or  without  violence.  There  are  states 
analogue  to  the  hypnotic,  caused  by  a  wound  on  the 
head  or  natural  somnambulism.  Hysteria  dom- 
inates in  most  of  such  cases  ;  natural  somnambu- 
lism is  a  transformation.  Suggestion  can  take  place 
in  hysterical  somnambulism  as  well  as  in  hypnotic, 
but  crimes  are  more  frequent  in  the  latter  state. 
Pressure  over  the  hysterical  zone  can  cause  one  to 
sleep,  and  commit  a  crime.  Sometimes  there  is 
unconsciousness  of  the  crime,  or  want  of  resist- 
ance owing  to  intellectual  feebleness.  This  is  also 
true  in  case  of  idiots  or  imbeciles,  who  are  brutally 
treated  by  those  who  are  paid  to  protect  them.  As 
to  moral  responsibility,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind 
that  artificially  caused  somnambulism  produces 
extreme  cases,  where  the  act  suggested  is  imposed 
with  irresistible  force  ;  that  nothing  is  done  in  pro- 
found sleep  which  may  not  have  its  analogue  in 
the  waking  state  ;  that  hypnotic  sleep  exaggerates 
physiological  automatism  ;  it  does  not  create  it  ; 
that  between  the  fatal  suggestion  and  the  absolute 
voluntary  determination  all  degrees  may  exist  ; 
that  to  analyze  all  the  suggestive  elements  which 
intervene  (in  our  absence)  in  the  acts  which  we 
believe  issue  from  our  initiative,  is  impossible.  Li£- 
geois,  Professor  of  Law  at  Nancy,  France,  hypno- 
tized a  woman,  and  by  suggestion  (with  false  fire- 


CRIMINAL    HYPNOTISM,  141 

arms)  caused  her  to  shoot  another  person  ;  being 
asked  immediately  why  she  did  it,  she  confessed 
with  entire  indifference  ;  she  had  killed  him, 
because  he  did  not  please  her.  When  asked,  if  it 
was  not  Li^geois,  who  had  suggested  the  idea  to 
her,  she  answered,  no;  she  did  it  spontaneously; 
she  is  "alone  guilty." 

Many  profound  sleepers  are  susceptible  to  post- 
hypnotic suggestions,  which  have  been  known  to 
have  taken  place  not  only  many  days  and  weeks 
after  they  were  suggested  but  even  as  long  as 
years.  False  testimony  through  suggestion  is  suffi- 
ciently frequent,  and  in  the  case  of  a  child  in 
court,  who  through  fear  testifies  falsely,  because 
questions  are  so  put  as  to  threaten  the  child  if  the 
desired  answer  is  not  given. 

Bernheim  suggests  these  precautions  : 
(1)  The  testimony  of  false  accusers  is  not  so  per- 
sistent in  memory  ;  the  impression  is  not  so  con- 
tinuous ;  recollection  is  latent  or  obscure  ;  (2)  the 
magistrate  should  ask  questions  without  pressing 
the  witness  or  indicating  his  own  opinion  ;  one 
should  not  resort  to  suggestion  in  order  to  obtain 
confessions,  as  he  may  suggest  the  confession  he 
desires  ;  (3)  testimony  can  be  suggested  by  one 
witness  making  affirmations  with  force  and  con- 
viction and  recounting  the  facts  in  the  presence  of 
other  witnesses  ;  for  some  are  influenced,  accept 
what  is  said,  and  form  an  image  of  the  event 
through  imitation.  For  this  reason  each  witness 
should  be  questioned  alone,  and  it  should  be  cer- 
tain   that     in    their    previous    conversations     no 


142  CRIMINOLOGY. 

reciprocal  suggestion  has  taken  place.  The  agree- 
ment of  several  witnesses  is  not  always  an  argu- 
ment in  favor  of  the  truth,  even  when  witnesses 
are  honest,  because  in  this  case  there  can  be  un- 
conscious suggestions.  Nothing  is  more  false  than 
the  saying,  "  Vox  populi,  vox  Dei "  ;  (4)  the  en- 
lightened magistrate  can  measure  the  suggestibil- 
ity of  a  suspected  witness  by  skillful  questions, 
can  appear  to  accept  what  the  witness  says,  insist 
on  the  incidents  and  add  to  them,  suggesting  de- 
tails, which  will  betray  the  suggestibility  of  the 
witness  if  he  confirms  these  details.  He  says,  for 
example  :  "  You  said  when  '  X '  took  your  money, 
you  let  a  piece  fall,  and  picked  it  up  again.  You 
remember  the  circumstance  ?  "  If  the  accuser  falls 
into  the  trap  and  confirms  the  suggestion,  the 
question  is  by  this  fact  determined  ;  (5)  a  medical 
examination,  in  the  majority  of  cases,  can  deter- 
mine if  one  has  to  do  with  a  suggestible  person  ; 
one  generally  can  cause  catalepsy  by  simple  affir- 
mation, and  in  some  persons  hallucinations  can  be 
produced.  Human  imagination  is  open  to  good 
and  bad  impressions  ;  not  all  criminals  are  crimi- 
nals; not  all  falsehoods,  falsehoods  ;  there  are  those 
who  mystify  not  only  others  but  themselves  with- 
out knowing  it. 

Criminal  Suggestions. 

Certain  suggestible  persons  falsify  in  good 
faith.  It  is  easy  to  create  fictitious  remembrances, 
which  may  be  called  retroactive  hallucinations,  or 
false  testimony.     I  say  to  one  in  his  natural  sleep: 


CRIMINAL    HYPNOTISM.  143 

(Cases  from  Bernheim).  "  I  know  why  you  do 
not  sleep  now;  your  neighbor  coughs  and  sings, 
opens  the  window,  fixes  the  fire,  all  the  patients 
complain." 

I  awake  this  person  a  few  moments  afterwards. 
He  rubs  his  eyes,  thinks  he  awoke  spontaneously; 
remembers  nothing.     Then  I  say: 

"  You  sleep,  then,  all  the  day." 

"No,"  he  answers,  "but  I  cannot  sleep  in  the 
night." 

f*  Why  ?  " 

"  On  account  of  patient  in  bed  No.  6.  He  was 
probably  sick;  he  coughed,  sang  as  if  in  delirium. 
I  don't  know  what  possessed  him;  he  went  to  open 
the  window." 

"  Is  it  true  ?     You  must  have  dreamed."  A 

"  All  the  patients  heard  him ;  they  can  tell 
you." 

Then  his  imagination  was  worked  upon,  and  new 
souvenirs  were  created.  "  But  the  other  patients 
have  not  complained.  What  did  No.  4  say  to 
him?" 

"  Four  said  to  close  the  window,  and  not  to  make 
a  noise." 

"  Then  what  happened  ?  " 

"  No.  4  got  up  and  went  to  him,  and  they  struck 
one  another." 

"  And  what  did  the  sister  do  ?  " 

"  She  could  not  silence  them." 

M  Did  the  director  come  ?  " 

"  He  came  in  a  blue  dressing-gown,  and  said  he 
would  put  them  both  out  to-day."  ' 


144  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Operator  said:  "That  is  not  true,  you  dreamed 
it." 

Patient  answered:  "  I  did  not  dream  it,  because  I 
was  awake." 

Another  experiment: 

(Bernheim)  I  suggested  to  one  subject  in  the 
hypnotic  state  that  my  colleague  was  a  photogra- 
pher, and  had  come  at  four  o'clock  the  day  before 
to  take  his  photograph,  and  that  he  (subject)  had 
paid  two  francs.  On  awakening  the  subject  was 
convinced,  but  what  is  to  be  noted  is  that  three 
other  patients,  who  were  awake  at  the  time,  affirmed 
they  were  present  and  saw  my  colleague  take  the 
photograph.  I  said  it  was  not  so,  but  their  convic- 
tion remained.  By  questions  it  was  easy  to  amplify 
the  suggestion  by  their  autosuggestion  from  a  ficti- 
tious memory. 

Another  case,  very  suggestible  and  hypnotizable. 
Operator  says: 

"  Henritte,  I  met  you  yesterday  at  Stanislas 
Place!  You  were  in  singular  circumstances.  What 
happened  when  I  saw  you  ? " 

Operator  repeats  the  question  and  looks  at  her. 
Her  face  changes;  she  reflects,  turns  red,  and  says: 
"  I  dare  not  say." 

"  You  must  tell  me." 

"  I  was  struck,"  she  says  in  a  low  voice. 

"By  whom?" 

"  By  a  workman." 

"Why?" 

Silence.  She  is  ashamed  and  does  not  wish  to 
confess. 


CRIMINAL    HYPNOTISM.  145 

"  Come,  tell  me." 

She  whispers  in  Operator's  ear:  "  I  did  not  wish 
to  go  with  him." 

Operator  looked  at  her  severely.  "  Henritte, 
you  are  falsifying.     Why  did  he  strike  you  ?  " 

She  became  pale,  confused,  and,  covering  up  her 
face,  began  to  cry. 

"  Tell  me  what  you  did  yesterday." 

"  I  wanted  to  steal  his  watch." 

"  And  then  ? " 

"  I  was  led  to  the  police-station." 

The  poor  girl  was  overcome  with  shame.  Oper- 
ator effaced  the  remembrance  by  saying: 

"You  will  not  remember  it  any  more." 

The  retroactive  hallucination  was  extinguished. 
Since  criminals  are  easily  suggestible,  such  experi- 
ments are  not  without  instruction.  Thus  take  the 
following  case: 

A  young  woman  of  the  best  society  and  of  high 
morality,  fond  of  her  husband  and  children,  was 
accustomed  to  receive  visits  from  a  young  man,  a 
friend  of  the  family.  One  day  she  was  found  in  an 
isolated  pavilion  of  her  garden,  naked,  and  dead 
from  the  effects  of  a  bullet  wound;  the  body  had 
been  outraged.  The  young  man  had  fainted  at 
her  side,  wounded  by  a  pistol.  Coming  to,  he  nar- 
rated that  the  young  woman  being  desperately  in 
love  had  given  herself  to  him,  on  condition  that 
they  both  should  not  survive  her  dishonor.  He 
had  sworn  to  kill  her  and  kill  himself  afterwards. 

Is  this  account  true  ?  The  young  man  impressed 
everyone  with  frankness.  Most  persons  considered 
10 


I46  CRIMINOLOGY. 

it  an  act  of  foolish  love.  It  is  well  known  how  pas- 
sion can  mislead  the  most  honest  natures.  Accord- 
ing to  the  young  man  the  crime  was  planned  im- 
mediately before  its  execution,  but  at  this  time  also 
the  poor  woman  wrote  a  calm  and  serene  letter  to 
one  of  her  family;  she  spoke  of  her  household  af- 
fairs, her  children,  and  the  young  man  in  a  simple 
and  natural  way,  which  indicated  a  tranquil  spirit. 
This  would  have  been  hardly  possible  had  she  been 
conscious  of  the  events  soon  to  follow.  She  was 
an  exemplary  woman;  modest,  good,  timid,  affec- 
tionate, and  never  passionate.  She  was,  however, 
suggestible.  One  day  fixing  her  eyes  upon  a  silver 
spoon,  she  fell  into  a  hypnotic  state.  She  did  not 
like  Chambige,  she  was  afraid  of  him.  But  how 
shall  it  be  explained  ?  It  might  be  said  that  Cham- 
bige was  alow  assassin,  who  after  having  cowardly 
violated  and  assassinated  a  woman,  had  invented 
this  story  to  pose  as  a  hero  in  a  love  tragedy.  But 
the  facts  do  not  bear  this  interpretation  out. 
Chambige  impressed  his  comrades  as  superior;  he 
had  little  moral  sense;  he  had  a  sensual  thirst,  and 
drank  from  all  sources  without  scruple.  But  he  had 
the  frankness  of  his  convictions;  he  produced  this 
impression  before  the  jury,  but  as  a  man  without 
heart  and  without  prejudice,  and  not  an  impostor, 
violator,  or  murderer. 

Explanation  (Bernheim):  Chambige  sees  Madame 
Grille,  he  desires  to  have  her;  she  does  not  love 
him,  but  still  is  dominated  and  fascinated  by  him. 
She  had  a  vague  fear  of  him.  It  is  easy  to  under- 
stand how  by  his  allurements,   and    declarations 


CRIMINAL    HYPNOTISM.  147 

she  could  fall  into  a  hypnotic  state,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  spoon,  and  loose  her  personality.  Chambige 
working  upon  her  facile  imagination,  could  im- 
pose another  consciousness,  suggest  a  sexual  ex- 
citation which  she  could  not  resist.  Chambige 
could  do  all  this,  thinking  that  she  loved  him  truly, 
without  knowing  anything  at  all  about  hypnotism. 
Her  normal  state  did  not  love  him,  but  her  sub- 
conscious state  did.  Returning  to  her  normal  con- 
sciousness Madame  Grille  would  not  remember 
anything.  Thus  on  the  morning  of  the  crime,  the 
victim  wrote  her  letter  in  the  greatest  of  tranquil- 
ity; an  instant  afterwards  Chambige  could  have 
suggested  to  go  to  the  pavilion,  then  came  a  foolish 
passion,  an  irresistible  excitation.  If  the  poor 
woman  had  made  him  promise  to  kill  her  after  her 
seduction  to  save  her  from  dishonor,  it  would  be 
the  moral  sense  surviving  in  her  hypnotic  state,  as 
an  old  hereditary  feeling  or  by  education,  which 
could  not  be  put  down;  her  normal  conscience 
could  be  dominated,  but  not  extinguished,  in  the 
somnambulistic  state;  but  the  passion  suggested 
overcomes  it  for  the  time.  She  is  not  herself. 
That  which  characterizes  somnambulism  is  not 
sleep,  there  is  a  somnambulism  awake,  conscious- 
ness exists,  but  it  is  another  state  of  consciousness 
in  which  the  faculties  of  reason  are  lessened  or 
absent;  the  faculties  of  imagination,  the  idio-dy- 
namic  automatism  constructs  the  scene.  The  sub- 
ject is  not  himself. 

Case  (Bernheim)  :  A  young  lady  of  good  family 
very  intelligent,  of  sweet   and   affectionate   char- 


148  CRIMINOLOGY, 

acter,  was  hypnotized  by  a  young  physician  for 
hysterical  crises.  Each  time  she  passed  into 
somnambulism;  during  these  attacks  she  confessed 
her  love  which  she  had  for  him  (she  had  married 
contrary  to  her  will).  The  physician  became  her 
lover  during  this  somnambulistic  state.  In  her 
normal  state  she  remembered  nothing.  Becoming 
pregnant,  she  did  not  suspect  it,  not  having  had 
any  relation  with  her  husband  for  a  year.  When 
she  finally  discovered  the  real  nature  of  her  trouble, 
she  became  anxious,  lost  her  head,  and  at  partu- 
rition her  insanity  was  complete.  Later  on  she  re- 
covered, but  never  suspected  her  physician.  These 
facts  in  this  case  show  how  the  somnambulistic 
state,  natural  or  provoked,  modifies  the  passions, 
instincts,  and  character,  and  diminishes  resistance 
to  evil  temptations. 

We  give  another  case  of  double  personality  re- 
lated before  the  Academy  of  Sciences  at  Paris  :  A 
lawyer,  thirty-three  years  of  age,  was  hysterical 
and  very  hypnotizable.  A  noise,  a  whistle,  or  reflec- 
tion of  a  looking-glass  upon  his  eyes  could  put  him 
into  a  hypnotic  sleep.  One  day  he  was  trying  a  case; 
the  judge  fixed  his  eyes  upon  him  ;  he  stopped 
short  and  slept.  In  these  conditions  he  presented 
a  double  personality  :  he  forgot  his  past  existence 
and  entered  into  another  condition  ;  he  went  and 
came,  traveled,  made  visits,  and  bought  things. 
When  suddenly  he  returned  to  his  first  condition, 
he  was  wholly  ignorant  of  what  had  passed  in  his 
other  state.  One  day,  after  an  altercation  with  his 
brother-in-law,  he  had  an   attack  which  made  his 


CRIMINAL    HYPNOTISM.  149 

second  personality  appear  ;  he  went  to  visit  his 
uncle,  broke  many  objects,  tore  his  books  and 
manuscripts,  contracted  debts,  and  was  taken  be- 
fore the  court  for  swindling  and  condemned.  All 
his  recollections,  effaced  in  the  normal  state,  re- 
turned in  the  somnambulistic  state. 

Such  cases  are  perhaps  more  frequent  than  we 
suppose,  because  they  are  not  recognized  as  a 
pathological  anomaly,  when  anaesthesia  is  complete. 
Anaesthesia,  when  incomplete,  makes  the  diagnosis 
difficult,  as  the  idea  of  somnambulism  does  not 
come  to  the  mind.  We  all  know  persons  whose 
lives  are  full  of  inconsequences  and  contradictions; 
their  conduct  is  irreproachable;  their  character  is 
timid,  they  are  reserved  in  their  manners,  sensible 
in  their  actions,  etc.  Then  from  time  to  time  the 
disposition  is  modified;  they  become  capricious, 
extravagant,  go  against  their  instincts,  and  commit 
reprehensible  acts;  after  a  time  the  normal  state 
reappears.  All  degrees  can  exist,  from  a  simple 
change  of  disposition  (perceptible  only  to  intimate 
friends)  to  the  complete  transformation  of  the 
moral  being.  This  transformation  can  be  a  mental 
disease,  as  periodic  melancholia,  intermittent  dip- 
somania, or  transitory  insanity.  All  mental  diseases 
are  in  reality  states  of  modified  consciousness.  The 
extreme  degrees  only  attract  our  attention ;  the  light 
degrees  we  attribute  to  capriciousness  or  a  sickly 
state  of  feeling. 

It  is  clear  how  a  suggestion  realizes  psychical 
modifications;  gaiety  and  sadness  are  alternately 
produced,  there  is  a  calm,  then  a  passionate,  dis- 


150  CRIMINOLOGY. 

position,  a  spirit  of  obedience  or  the  opposite,  an 
affection  or  a  hatred.  These  facts  are  not  without 
importance  to  the  magistrate,  the  moralist,  and  the 
philosopher.  In  the  broad  sense  of  the  word  sug- 
gestion may  play  a  role  in  our  acts,  good  or  bad. 

The  greatest  criminals  are  not  always  the  most 
guilty.  Dr.  Laurent  gives  a  case  of  complicity  in 
theft,  where  hypnotization  is  negative  in  results  as 
to  gaining  a  confession  from  the  accused:  for  the 
present  state  of  our  knowledge  does  not  permit  us 
to  know  whether  the  person  hypnotized  obeys  his 
conscience  or  his  will,  which  holds  him  under  its 
dependence. 

The  following  conversation  took  place  while  the 
accused  was  in  the  hypnotic  state: 

L.  "You  are  accused  of  complicity  in  theft." 

"I  am  innocent." 

L.  "  You  knew,  however,  that  the  horse  and  car- 
riage had  been  stolen." 

"  No,  No,"  said  patient  with  energy,  "  I  didn't 
know  anything  about  it." 

L.  "You  knew  it." 

"  I  swear  to  you,  I  did  not." 

L.  "  I  tell  you,  you  did  know  it." 

"  No,"  said  patient  more  softly. 

L.  "  I  assure  you  that  you  knew  it,  you  knew  it." 

"  Yes,  I  knew  it." 

L.  "  Is  it  certain  you  knew  it  ? " 

"  I  knew  it." 

L.  "  You  did  not  know  that  the  carriage  had 
been  stolen." 

"  Yes,  I  knew  it." 


CRIMINAL    HYPNOTISM.  151 

L.  "No,  I  tell  you;  you  did   not  know  anything 
about  it." 

"  No,  I  did  not  know  anything  about  it." 
Case  of  theft  (Krafft-Ebing) :  The  patient  was  sad 
and  quiet;  her  head  was  supported  on  her  arms; 
she  did  not  respond  always  when  spoken  to.  The 
eyes  were  vague,  as  in  a  dream,  not  perceiving  ob- 
jects or  persons  near  by.  The  experimenter  sat 
opposite  her  and  looked  at  her;  suddenly  the  pa- 
tient took  a  special  physiognomical  expression. 
She  heard  a  noise  of  a  watch  placed  in  the  pocket 
of  the  physician;  she  approached  the  physician 
with  adroitness,  unhooked  the  watch  and  hid  it  in 
a  hole  in  her  arm-chair.  Likewise  she  took  four 
other  watches  from  the  other  physicians  and  hid 
them  in  a  flower-pot,  then  she  took  a  book  to  read, 
and  kept  on  knitting.  Krafft-Ebing  produces  in 
her  the  state  of  autohypnosis.  She  did  not  react 
to  the  different  excitations  of  the  sense  organs,  ex- 
cept that  some  measures  of  a  song  played  threw 
her  into  catalepsy.  When  one  of  the  physicians 
jingled  some  money,  she  sought  the  pieces  with 
avidity,  and  put  them  into  her  pocket.  The  same 
effect  was  produced  when  keys  were  shaken;  not 
being  permitted  to  take  them,  she  grasped  at  them, 
struck  the  person  who  had  the  keys,  gained  poses- 
sion  of  them  and  hid  them  in  a  pan.  Then  she 
took  up  her  book  to  read.  The  objects  were  re- 
taken by  their  owners.  When  transformed  into 
the  normal  state,  she  knew  nothing  of  what  oc- 
curred. On  the  next  day,  regarding  a  brill- 
iant watch,    she   passed    into    the    experimental- 


152  CRIMINOLOGY, 

hypnotic  state,  and  the  phenomena  characteristic 
of  the  continuation  of  the  autohypnotic  state, 
in  which  she  was  the  day  before,  were  repeated. 
She  sought  for  the  things  hid  and  became  agitated. 
In  passing  the  hand  in  front  of  the  patient,  the  ex- 
perimental-hypnotic state  was  produced;  she  be- 
came tranquil  and  apathetic;  in  this  state,  she  per- 
ceived the  watch,  but  made  no  effort  to  take  pos- 
sesion of  it.  In  her  natural  state  she  was  not  ab- 
normal in  any  way. 

A  Case  of  Romance  (Gr  asset). 

A  young  hysterial  girl  of  fourteen  years  entered 
the  hospital  on  account  of  menstrual  irregularities. 
Later  on,  she  was  discovered  to  be  pregnant.  This 
created  much  surprise  since  she  was  modest  in 
manner,  and  of  a  good  family.  During  the  last 
days  of  May,  1889,  according  to  the  young  girl's 
account,  which  was  given  in  tears,  a  peddler  came 
to  her  home  to  sell  some  cloth,  and  as  women  will 
talk,  her  mother  in  somewhat  extended  conversa- 
tion, mentioned  the  fact,  that  her  daugther,  was 
unfortunate,  in  spite  of  her  healthy  appearance, 
having  attacks  and  losing  consciousness.  The 
peddler  seemed  to  be  interested  in  this;  he  prom- 
ised to  return  with  some  other  things.  A  few  days 
afterward,  he  came,  but  seeing  the  mother  leaving 
the  house  pretended  not  to  see  her,  and  came,  find- 
ing the  daughter  alone.  She  said,  "  I  will  go  and 
find  my  mother."  He  said,  "There  is  no  use "; 
and  then  seized  her.  She  fell  into  one  of  her  fits 
and  lost  consciousness  and   remembers  nothing 


CRIMINAL    HYPNOTISM.  1 53 

that  took  place.  The  poor  mother  confirmed  all 
this  as  related  by  the  daughter.  The  patient  was 
hypnotized,  and  in  this  state  gave  exactly  the 
same  facts,  of  which  she  said  she  was  the  victim. 
This  left  little  doubt  as  to  the  cause  of  the  T?reg* 
nancy. 

On  the  30th  of  December,  1889,  two  months 
before  parturition  should  occur,  pains  appeared; 
and  the  patient  attributed  it  to  a  fall  on  the  stairs; 
but  it  was  soon  evident  that  parturition  was  at 
term.  This  was  not  only  a  surprise  but  a  decep- 
tion. The  patient  was  hypnotized,  but  when  a 
severe  uterine  contraction  took  place  she  opened 
her  eyes  immediately  and  screamed,  and  declared 
she  could  not  rest  when  put  to  sleep.  As  the  visit 
of  the  peddler  was  at  the  end  of  May,  the  child 
should  have  been  born  at  the  end  of  February  in- 
stead of  December.  It  was  beyond  dispute  that 
conception  took  place  at  the  end  of  March,  and 
not  of  May.  It  was  found  that  the  young  lady 
had  a  lover,  unknown  to  her  family.  At  the 
second  menstrual  defection,  to  furnish  an  honor- 
able excuse  to  her  mother,  she  invented  her  story. 
This  she  confessed.  Another  fact  follows  :  Since 
in  the  hypnotic  state  she  repeated  exactly  the  same 
story,  and  in  the  pains  of  delivery  the  sleep 
ceased,  the  hypnotic  sleep  itself  was  a  simulation. 
This  she  confessed.  She  was  again  hypnotized, 
and  anaesthesia  was  complete.  Then  it  was  an- 
nounced to  her  suddenly  that  it  was  useless  to  con- 
tinue her  deception;  immediately  she  opened  her 
eyes,  placed  her  hand  over  her  face  and  went  away 


154  CRIMINOLOGY. 

crying.  It  is  therefore  clear  that  the  hypnotism 
was  to  a  great  extent  a  simulation.  That  a  fixed 
look  provoked  a  light  degree  of  hypnosis,  accom- 
panied by  insensibility,  is  possible,  but  most  of 
the  facts  during  the  sleep  were  simulated. 
Equally  simulated  were  the  spontaneous  attacks 
affecting  the  form  of  the  sleep.  The  fascination 
was  admirably  simulated.  For  a  long  time  she 
pretended  that  all  came  from  her  own  personal 
imagination,  but  later  said  that  she  had  frequently 
seen  a  domestic  hypnotized.  Here  is  a  hysterical 
person,  in  which  simulation  would  appear  impos- 
sible, who  for  the  sole  pleasure  of  being  interest- 
ing, and  of  having  need  of  hypnotism  to  justify 
her  pranks,  commenced  before  her  physician  to 
simulate  hypnosis;  later  having  a  lover  and  becom- 
ing pregnant,  she  utilized  this  to  accuse  an  inno- 
cent person  and  make  herself  the  victim. 

This  case  shows  the  necessity  of  prudence,  as  it 
is  easy  to  see  how  she  could  have  accused  her 
family  physician  falsely.  All  acts  of  a  hypnotiz- 
able  hysteria  are  not  necessarily  by  suggestion; 
all  acts  need  not  necessarily  be  attributed  to  the 
neurosis.     A  hysterical  person  can  be  a  "  rou£." 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


RECIDIVATION. 


The  recidivists,  or  habitual  criminals,  may  find 
nothing  detestable  in  crime,  but  make  it  a  trade 
like  any  other,  or  commit  crime  with  an  idea  of 
vengeance  for  injustice  suffered.  The  reformation 
of  a  recidivist  is  rare.  Dismissed  from  home  they 
carry  on  their  trade  together,  going  into  more 
serious  crime,  as  in  the  case  of  a  thief  who,  when 
surprised,  strikes  a  fatal  blow.  If  they  do  not 
succumb  in  prison  from  tuburculosis  or  heart  dis- 
ease, they  find  their  way  to  the  asylum.  It  is  often 
observed  that  the  asylum  is  for  them  a  faint  hope  of 
healing  their  bad  tendencies.  Sometimes  attacks  of 
acute  mania  or  melancholia  have  a  good  influence, 
but  more  often,  after  one  attack  of  acute  insanity, 
they  conserve  their  criminal  tendencies.  The 
better  natures  choose  less  dangerous  criminal  acts, 
as  swindling,  etc.,  but  generally  sink  lower  and 
lower.  Some,  where  prison  discipline  is  poor, 
become  much  worse  by  associating  with  others. 
Both  sexes  practice  deception  of  every  kind,  as 
forgery,  perjury,  stealing  and  concealing  stolen 
goods,  etc.  The  men  do  not  fear  to  rob,  to  set 
fire,  to  murder,  when  the  opportunity  is  favorable. 


I56  CRIMINOLOGY, 

The  women  are  less  frequently  found  committing 
acts  of  this  kind;  they  are  mistrustful,  lying,  cun- 
ning, revengeful,  lazy,  and  often  give  false  names. 
In  prison  they  are  inclined  to  coarseness,  boldness, 
defiance,  resistance,  refusal  to  work,  and  willful 
spoiling  of  their  clothes  and  other  effects  (not  un- 
common with  the  insane).  They  like  to  stir  up 
their  fellow-prisoners  to  plots  of  the  most  auda- 
cious sort.  Severe  punishment  is  necessary  to 
restrain  them;  they  resemble  much  the  normal 
insane,  so  that  one  can  regard  them  as  in  the  first 
stage  of  insanity.  The  secondarily  insane,  before 
their  insanity  is  apparent,  are  often  given  to  steal- 
ing, deceiving,  forging,  counterfeiting,  concealing, 
etc.  Murders  are  infrequent,  and  almost  only 
occur  when  the  persecutive  hallucination  is  pres- 
ent. Those  addicted  to  alcohol  are  generally 
light  offenders;  they  are  seldom  thieves.  Those 
with  hereditary  mental  weakness  are  given  more 
to  crimes  of  unchastity.  Those  with  acute  forms 
of  insanity  as  mania,  melancholia,  or  progressive 
paralysis,  are  soon  brought  to  the  asylum.  The 
recidivists  are  somewhat  of  a  mixed  class  (von 
Holder)  :  (1st)  They  consist  of  those  who  have  a 
positive  tendency  to  insanity  or  epilepsy;  (2d) 
those  whose  family  antecedents  plainly  lead  them 
to  crime;  and  (3d)  those  whose  morality  and 
feeling  of  honor  through  training  and  environ- 
ment are  destroyed. 

Criminal  phenomena  and  the  manifestations  of 
insanity  bring  nothing  new;  they  are  nothing 
further  than  distorted  or  diseased  manifestations 


RECIDIVATION.  157 

of  mental  activities,  which  by  themselves  are  pres- 
ent in  every  man;  but  by  some  they  develop  in 
one  or  the  other  direction.  No  one  is  sure  that 
his  mental  soundness  cannot  be  endangered 
through  outer  or  inner  troubles,  or  that  he  can 
escape  inclinations  which  might  lead  to  crime. 
Von  Holder  gives  the  following  data:  In  Italy 
the  recidivists  condemned  by  the  court  were  in 
1878  13  per  cent;  in  1882  they  increased  to  22  per 
cent.  In  France  they  were  but  10  per  cent,  in 
1826;  in  1867,  they  had  increased  to  42  per  cent., 
and  in  1879  to  50  per  cent. 

Thus  the  recidivists  increase  in  number  as  civili- 
zation advances.  In  Belgium  in  1869-71  they 
reached  70  per  cent.  In  Prussia,  from  187 1  to 
1877  the  number  of  condemned  who  had  already 
been  once  in  prison  ranged  between  77  and  80  per 
cent,  for  men,  and  between  74  and  84  per  cent,  for 
women.  In  Austria,  from  i860  to  1864,  33  per 
cent,  were  recidivists;  in  1868-71  they  reached  59 
per  cent,  for  men  and  51  per  cent,  for  women. 
The  influence  of  heredity  will  be  seen  from  the 
number  of  comparatively  young  recidivists,  as 
shown  by  the  following  statistics.  In  France, 
out  of  1,000  recidivists:  67  had  not  reached  the 
age  of  16;  204  were  from  16  to  21  years  of  age; 
284  from  21  to  30;  215  from  30  to  40;  206  from 
40  to  60;  20  from  60  to  70;  and  4  were  more  than 
70  years  of  age. 

The  persistence  of  those  who  continue  to  fall  is 
shown  from  the  following:  The  number  of  recid- 
ivists arrested  for  the  first  time  in  France  is  45 


158  CRIMINOLOGY. 

per  cent,  of  the  total  number;  second  time,  20  per 
cent.;  third  time,  11  percent.;  fourth  time,  7  per 
cent.;  fifth  time,  4  percent.;  sixth  time,  3  percent.; 
seventh  time,  2  per  cent.;  eighth  time,  2  per  cent.; 
ninth  time,  1  per  cent.;  10th  and  more  times,  5 
per  cent. 

The  preceding  facts  show  how  this  habitual 
backsliding  is  confined  to  a  small  number  of  per- 
sons. Out  of  6,108  prisoners  liberated  in  1878, 
2>4J3  (39  Per  cent.)  were  taken  back  within  two 
years  ;  27  per  cent,  of  those  arrested  in  Paris  in 
1880  had  been  condemned  four  times  within  ten 
years.  Some  have  as  their  sole  purpose  to  gain  an 
easy  living  in  prison  ;  sometimes  they  take  no  pre- 
cautions as  they  desire  one  or  two  years  in  prison 
to  repair  the  dilapidated  condition  of  their  health  ; 
on  entering  prison,  they  are  welcomed  by  their  old 
friends.  One,  who  by  small  thefts  had  reinstated 
himself  for  the  fiftieth  time,  found  himself  in  a 
cellular  prison  instead  of  a  mere  jail ;  he  said  com- 
plainingly,  "Justice  has  defrauded  me  ;  they  will 
not  have  a  chance  to  take  me  again  in  this 
country."  Very  few  prostitutes  ever  reform  ; 
sometimes  they  go  into  convents,  but  only  to 
ameliorate  their  condition.  Improving  the  food  of 
the  prisons  will  not  lessen  the  number  of  recidi- 
vists. 

In  Prussia  the  cellular  system  has  not  ha  a 
good  influence  on  the  recidivists  ;  the  number  has 
increased  from  60  to  70  per  cent.;  in  Belgium  the 
increase  has  been  78  per  cent.  ;here  the  cellular 
system  has  been  in  force  for  a  number  of  years.    In 


RECIDIVATION.  1 59 

Spain,  out  of  2,249,  I>5^9  were  returned  for  the 
same  deed  ;  933  were  thieves,  429  murderers.  In 
France  and  Sweden  one-third  of  the  recidivists  are 
thieves  and  vagrants  j  these  facts  are  not  in  har- 
mony with  some  legal  notions  as  to  the  morality 
and  responsibility  of  criminals,  leaving  out  of  con- 
sideration those  who  are  so  by  passion  or  occasion. 
It  is  important  to  observe  that  these  kinds  of 
crime  which  furnish  the  largest  number  of  the  re- 
cidivists are  those  which  are  noticed  from  infancy. 
In  a  single  year  in  Paris  30  assassinations,  39  homi- 
cides, 3  parricides,  2  poisonings,  114  infanticides, 
4,212  cases  of  assault  and  battery,  25  incendiaries, 
153  violations,  80  obscene  crimes,  458  thefts,  11,862 
simple  thefts,  were  committed  by  young  people. 

Moral  Sense  in  Reactivation. 

A  certain  criminal  said  to  his  comrades  in  prison: 
"  If  we  were  millionaires  we  would  continue  our 
trade."  This  perhaps  is  the  feeling  of  the  great 
majority  of  the  habitual  criminals.  The  moral 
sense  is  radically  defective,  if  not  incomprehensible 
to  them.  A  thief  of  Milan  said:  "  I  do  not  steal,  I 
only  take  from  the  rich  that  which  they  have  too 
much  of;  and  do  the  merchants  do  otherwise  ? 
Why,  then,  should  I  be  accused,  and  they  left  un- 
disturbed ? "  Another  said  with  open  face:  "I  do 
not  imitate  my  companions  who  make  their  mis- 
deeds a  mystery;  far  from  that,  I  am  proud  of 
them;  I  steal,  it  is  true,  but  never  less  than  two 
thousand  francs;  to  attack  so  large  an  amount 
seems    to   me   less  a  theft   than   a   speculation." 


l6o  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Another  said:  "  If  I  had  not  stolen,  I  could  not  have 
enjoyed  myself,  I  could  not  even  have  lived;  we 
are  necessarily  in  the  world;  without  us  what  need 
would  there  be  of  judges,  lawyers,  jailors?  It  is 
we  who  give  them  a  living."  Another  said  to  his 
judge,  "  We  are  necessary,  God  put  us  in  the  world 
to  punish  the  stingy  and  bad  rich;  we  are  a  species 
of  plague  from  God.  And  besides  without  us  what 
would  the  judges  do?"  Another  justifies  the 
violence  used  in  a  robbery:  "We  bound  them  for 
our  own  safety,  as  the  jailor  does,  when  he  puts 
the  handcuffs  on  us;  it  was  their  turn;  to  each  his 
turn."  Another  after  sending  a  man  to  kill  his 
enemy,  compared  his  act  to  that  of  the  ancient 
Romans  who  took  vengeance  by  blood,  when  their 
honor  was  offended. 

The  recidivist  not  only  believes  that  he  has  the 
right  to  steal,  murder,  and  throw  the  blame  on 
others,  who  do  not  permit  him  to  act  as  he  likes; 
but  he  is  proud  of  it.  An  assassin  who  kills  out  of 
vengeance  thinks  he  does  an  honorable  action,  if 
not  heroic.  "  B  "  who  had  been  given  to  highway 
robbery  from  his  youth,  and  who  in  company  with 
another  had  killed  several  men  complained  of  being 
sentenced  to  twenty  years. 

"  Ten  is  sufficient,  for  if  I  killed  as  many  at  that 
time,  I  performed  my  duty." 

"But  you  killed  women,  also?" 

To  this  he  replied:  "They  well  merited  it,  they 
tried  to  escape." 

The  remorse  that  knaws  the  conscience  of  a  crim- 
inal, is   a  myth.     The  worst  men  conduct  them- 


RECIDIVATION. 


161 


selves  the  best  in  prison,  knowing  that  they  will  be 
better  treated  if  they  appear  to  have  the  best  feel- 
ings. Thompson,  out  of  410  assassins,  did  not  find 
a  sincere  case  of  repentance.  Ferri  studied  780, 
and  found  only  3.4  per  cent,  who  showed  repent- 
ance or  who  manifested  any  feeling  in  recounting 
their  deeds.  The  homicides  and  assassins  had  a  smal- 
ler proportion  (1.2  per  cent.)  than  the  bandits,  ruf- 
fians, and  especially  the  thieves  (4.1  per  cent.);  10 
per  cent,  showed  a  complete  absence  of  remorse  by 
their  effrontery.  In  general  more  than  one-third 
are  without  remorse  as  shown  by  indifference  and 
effrontery  in  the  acknowledgment  or  recital  of 
their  crimes.  In  the  following  table,  the  large 
per  cent,  of  indifference,  impudence,  and  excuse 
making  is  suggestive. 


Those  who  simply  confessed 

Complained 

Showed  repentance 

Made  excuses 

Appeared  indifferent 

Appeared  impassive 

Were  impudent 

Number  examined 


DEPORTMENT. 


Total. 


Per  cent. 
9.6 

»-7 

18.0 
23.0 


698 


Assassins 

and 
Homicides. 


Per  cent. 

9.8 

0.8 

0.4 
26.0 
17.0 

2-7 

5* 
*54 


Highway 
Robbers, 
Thieves, 

Pick- 
pockets. 


Per  cent. 

9-4 
1.1 
3.o 
8.3 
25.0 


366 


If  they  see  the  justice  of  their  punishment,  they 
confess  their  faults  to  benevolent  persons;  they  feel 
the  need  of  pouring  out  their  hearts,  to  justify 
11 


l62  CRIMINOLOGY. 

themselves  before  the  world  by  reasons  which  men 
always  find  to  defend  themselves. 

Although  their  denials  are  to  avoid  condemna- 
tion, yet  they  show  no  feeling  as  to  an  offended 
moral  sense.  Ferri,  in  examining  700  cases,  found 
that  42  per  cent,  of  the  great  criminals  (homicides, 
assassins,  and  highway  robbers),  and  21  per  cent, 
of  the  lower  criminals  (thieves,  pickpockets,  and 
swindlers),  obstinately  denied  their  crime.  A 
prisoner  will  not  infrequently  protest  his  innocence, 
deplore  his  misfortunes,  abandon  himself,  and  in  a 
few  minutes  afterwards  in  a  hilarious  freak  will 
show  beyond  a  doubt  his  guilt.  An  important 
fact  is,  that  those  recidivists  never  pity  their  victim, 
but  deride  and  calumniate  him.  The  habitual 
criminal  thinks  that  his  trade  is  a  fine  thing  as 
well  as  a  pleasure  to  him  ;  one  being  asked  whether 
he  ever  struck  anyone,  said, "  I  am  no  butcher  "  ;  but 
to  the  objection  that  he  took  pocket-books  he  ex- 
claimed, "Ah  yes,  but  what  a  beautiful  thing." 
Although  some  seem  to  repent,  it  is  more  to  make 
profit  of  philanthropic  illusions  about  themselves. 
Lacenaire,  after  his  first  condemnation,  wrote  to 
his  friend  for  protection  and  money  :  "  Alas  !  there 
is  nothing  to  do  but  to  repent,  you  can  do  a  good 
deed  and  have  the  satisfaction  of  saying :  '  I 
brought  one  back  from  the  evil  way,  for  which  he 
was  not  born,'  for  without  you  I  would  still  be  en- 
gaged in  an  infamous  career."  A  few  moments 
after  writing  these  lines  he  committed  a  theft  and 
planned  an  assassination  ;  on  the  scaffold  he  said 
he  never  knew  what  remorse  was. 


RECIDIVATION.  163 

Another  prisoner  refused  wine  when  offered  him, 
because  he  said  its  color  reminded  him  of  his 
brother  whom  he  had  killed  ;  but  he  obtained  wine 
slyly  from  his  fellow-prisoners,  and  when  one  of 
them  was  not  disposed  to  give  him  wine,  he  threat- 
ened them  saying, "  I  have  killed  four  like  you  and 
I  will  kill  a  fifth."  Sometimes  the  remorse  is  only 
the  fear  of  death  or  religious  fear  which  takes  the 
form  of  repentance.  The  Marquise  of  Brinvillers 
passed  for  a  model  of  penitence,  at  the  last  moment 
she  wrote  to  her  husband  :  "  I  die  an  innocent 
woman,  and  it  is  owing  to  my  enemies."  She  was 
a  parricide  and  fratricide.  When  her  confessor 
induced  her  to  change  the  terms  of  this  letter,  she 
felt  herself  so  incapable  to  think  otherwise,  that 
she  requested  him  to  do  it  for  her.  Conducted 
to  execution,  she  avowed  that  ideas  of  voluptuous- 
ness and  vengeance  possessed  her  to  the  present 
moment.  Alluding  to  her  husband  she  repeated 
"  Could  he  live  longer  with  people  who  have  pur- 
sued me  out  of  hatred  ?  " 

Lombroso  calls  attention  especially  to  a  case  of 
moral  metamorphosis  :  A  man  of  forty  years,  after 
twenty  years  in  prison,  had  a  religious  hallucina- 
tion and  believed  himself  charged  with  a  mission 
in  honor  of  the  Virgin,  who  appeared  to  him  in 
his  cell.  This  idea  took  away  all  traces  of  criminal 
tendencies,  and  made  him  an  apostle  and  philan- 
thropist. 

A  criminal  can  quite  frequently  understand  what 
is  wrong,  but  he  does  not  give  the  same  weight  to 
his  bad  actions.     One  wrote  after  his  first  assassi- 


164  CRIMINOLOGY. 

nation  :  "  I  hope  they  will  pardon  me  for  this 
childishness."  Another,  having  assassinated  a  man 
for  money,  on  marching  to  the  scaffold  murmured: 
"  Make  a  man  die  for  such  a  little  thing  !"  The 
judge  said  to  a  criminal:  "You  will  not  deny  that 
you  stole  a  horse?"  He  replied:  "How  could 
you  call  that  a  theft  ?  Would  you  have  the  leader 
of  a  band  go  on  foot?"  Some  would  diminish  the 
villainy  of  their  acts  on  account  of  their  good  in- 
clinations, as  in  the  case  of  the  assassin,  who 
carried  on  his  trade  in  order  to  provide  for  his 
wife  and  son. 

Thieves  are  conscious  of  their  fault,  but  they 
consider  the  bankrupt  more  guilty  than  them- 
selves— although  he  is  often  unmolested.  A  thief 
said:  "  There  are  two  kinds  of  justice;  the  natural, 
which  he  himself  practiced  in  giving  to  the  poor 
part  of  the  objects  stolen  by  him;  the  artificial 
justice,  which  the  social  law  protected,  but  for  which 
he  cared  nothing."  While  the  criminal  has  some 
idea  of  justice,  yet  it  is  more  a  matter  of  thought 
than  feeling  owing  to  his  passions  and  bad  habits 
which  choke  it.  A  criminal,  speaking  of  an  assas- 
sination committed  by  himself,  which  fact  was  not 
known  at  the  time,  said:  "That  will  not  escape 
the  guillotine." 

Rich  thieves  and  prostitutes  seek  to  keep  their 
children  from  following  their  career.  From  these 
examples  it  is  clear  that  the  one  great  lack  is  feel- 
ing; the  idea  of  what  one  ought  to  do  and  the  will- 
power to  do  it  are  quite  different,  and  the  criminal 
decidedly  lacks  the  will-power.     The  expression, 


RECIDIVATION.  165 

u  Honesty  among  thieves,"  shows  in  them  the  idea 
of  justice;  but  the  use  of  the  justice  to  be  unjust. 
There  is  vanity  back  of  it  also;  they  are  proud  to 
mention  it.  In  a  meeting  of  thieves  in  London, 
one  of  their  number  (condemned  twenty-six  times), 
was  received  with  great  applause;  he  was  sent  out 
to  get  some  money  changed,  not  returning  soon  it 
was  the  sentiment  of  the  meeting  that  they  would 
kill  him  if  he  did  not  bring  the  money  back;  to 
their  great  joy  he  returned;  they  were  proud  of 
him.  This  good  side  of  the  criminal's  feelings 
enables  society  to  correct  them.  It  is  not  intel- 
lectual teaching  that  brings  a  good  result  so  much 
as  a  rational  direction  of  the  passions.  Lombroso 
mentions  Anderson,  one  of  the  most  dangerous 
criminals,  who  was  transformed  into  a  lamb  when  he 
was  employed  at  subduing  savage  bulls;  but  when 
returned  to  prison  in  chains  he  was  a  terror  to  all. 
The  division  of  the  booty  is  generally  done  with 
strict  justice.  Some  prisoners  were  left  to  them- 
selves on  an  island;  the  leaders  of  two  rival  par- 
ties formed  a  code  of  laws  which  was  barbarous 
and  severe,  but  enforced  with  strictness.  For  in- 
stance, one  had  stolen  a  goat,  and  tried  to  get  off 
on  a  fine,  but  the  criminal,  who  was  judge,  cried: 
11  The  goat  is  not  to  be  paid  for  with  money,  but 
with  blood."  Another  was  thought  to  have  aided 
him, but  he  proved  an  alibi;  he  was  excluded  from 
the  legislative  organization  of  which  he  was  a 
member,  the  tribunal  not  wishing  any  of  its  mem- 
bers to  be  suspected.  But  this  kind  of  justice  is 
forced  and  temporary. 


l66  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Criminals  are  often  very  untrue  to  their  com- 
panions and  parents.  A  denunciation  is  a  dis- 
grace, if  it  is  made  to  their  injury;  but  they  do 
not  fail  to  denounce  others;  this  is  the  cause  of 
continual  riots  and  vengeance  among  them.  They 
inform  on  one  another  to  help  themselves  along  or 
to  aggravate  each  other  when  they  are  jealous,  so 
as  not  to  be  the  only  ones  to  suffer;  they  have  ac- 
complices, so  that  if  caught  they  will  not  be  the 
only  ones  condemned  to  death;  they  consider 
themselves  in  good  fortune  to  be  consulted  by  the 
police,  and  often  display  the  greatest  zeal  to  have 
a  friend  arrested,  if  they  have  to  invent  the  facts. 
The  chiefs  of  the  brigands  are  despotic. 


PART   II. 

SPECIAL  CRIMINOLOGY. 


SPECIAL   CRIMINOLOGY. 


METHOD  OF  INVESTIGATION. 

The  method  of  special  criminology  is  to  study  a 
few  cases  as  thoroughly  as  possible.  In  a  new 
field  of  empirical  study  the  investigation  of  details 
is  indispensable,  if  there  is  to  be  any  attempt  at 
scientific  treatment.  The  reader  may  in  addition 
gain  an  independent  insight  into  typical  cases,  and 
the  method  of  treatment  in  our  penal  institutions. 

The  value  of  a  single  case  lies  in  the  fact,  that 
repetition  is  the  rule  in  crime.  And  for  this  reason 
the  study  of  single  cases  is  probably  the  best 
method  of  gaining  a  definite  knowledge  of  the 
causes,  difficulties,  and  remedies  for  crime.  The 
method  of  gathering  the  facts  is  by  visiting  differ- 
ent reformatories  and  prisons.  The  superintendent 
or  warden  was  asked  to  name  the  purest  murderer, 
the  most  habitual  thief,  and  the  meanest  person 
generally  among  the  prisoners  under  his  charge. 
One  aim  is  to  study  only  those  cases,  about  which 
enough  is  known,  to  place  their  real  nature  beyond 
a  doubt.  The  cases  selected,  therefore,  are  among 
the  worst,  and  are  the  most  confirmed  in  their 
species  of  criminality. 

We  have  given  in  detail  the  complaints  and  other 


170  CRIMINOLOGY. 

records  of  each  case  investigated,  with  the  addi- 
tional testimony,  gathered  from  the  officers.  These 
facts  are  of  more  scientific  value  than  those 
gathered  outside  of  prison,  because  they  are  not 
only  more  trustworthy,  but  the  environment  of  the 
prisoner  is  more  definitely  known.  Each  com- 
plaint generally  represents  many  repetitions  of  the 
same  offense  ;  for  an  officer  naturally  refrains  from 
making  complaints,  as  he  may  get  the  ill-will  of 
the  prisoner  ;  which  adds  difficulties  to  the  duties 
of  both. 

Our  order  of  procedure  is:  (ist)  To  decide  upon 
the  cases  to  be  investigated  ;  (2d)  to  copy  all  the 
records  of  the  institution  ;  (3d)  to  interview  all  the 
officers  who  had  knowledge  of  the  prisoner  through 
experience  ;  (4th)  to  interview  and  examine  the 
prisoner  himself. 

By  copying  the  records  one  becomes  familiar 
with  the  facts,  and  is  thus  better  able  to  question 
the  officers  to  the  point.  After  this  the  investi- 
gator will  probably  be  well  prepared  to  interview 
the  prisoner.  He  should  not  let  the  prisoner  know 
beforehand  that  he  knows  anything  about  him. 
This  is  the  safest  way  to  avoid  errors  and  decep- 
tions, for  the  prisoner  is  easily  caught  in  a  lie,  and 
often  becomes  so  bewildered,  that  he  finally  con- 
cludes to  tell  the  truth  as  best  he  can.  Some  cases 
are  so  abnormal,  and  they  falsify  so  easily  from 
habit,  that  they  are  unconscious  of  it  at  times.  Or 
they  may  be  too  lazy  or  indifferent  to  tell  the 
truth.  It  is  not  advisable  to  contradict  a  prisoner, 
but  to  permit  him  to  continue  untii  his  own  words 


METHOD    OF    INVESTIGATION.  171 

Involve  him  in  additional  confessions.  In  making 
requests  that  might  not  be  granted  by  the 
prisoner,  it  is  advisable  to  defer  them  to  the  last ; 
for  the  better  one  knows  a  criminal,  the  more  open 
the  criminal  becomes,  and  is  more  willing  to  act ; 
otherwise  one  may  get  his  ill-will,  which  makes 
further  investigation  difficult,  if  not  useless. 

The  indulgence  of  the  reader  is  asked  in  giving 
so  many  details,  that  in  themselves  may  seem  un- 
important, but  the  object  has  been  to  present  each 
case  fully  and  exactly  as  it  is,  so  that  the  reader 
can  be  wholly  independent  of  the  writer  in  form- 
ing his  judgment.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  how- 
ewer,  that  a  slight  offense  in  the  "  complaints,"  as 
the  leaving  of  a  utensil  out  of  place,  can  indicate 
the  exact  time  when  the  prisoner  begins  to  relax 
his  will  to  reform;  while  a  good  report  signifies  a 
new  resolution  of  the  will.  Thus  the  series  of 
complaints  record  the  moral  pulse-beats  of  the  pris- 
oner. It  is  also  true,  that  what  might  seem  a  very 
slight  offense  outside  of  prison  is  not  so  within;  for 
in  every  well-regulated  reformatory  institution, 
there  is  a  minimum  of  temptation  to  do  wrong  and 
a  maximum  of  continuous  restraint  to  do  right,  so 
that  the  inmate  may  be  gradually  educated  in  the 
formation  of  good  habits,  which  are  his  surest  safe- 
guard on  release. 

Our  endeavor  has  been  to  investigate  the  cases 
as  thoroughly  as  possible,  and  we  trust  that  this 
may  give  some  idea  and  suggest  others  that  may 
lead  penal  and  reformatory  institutions  to  take 
more  care  in  gaining  knowledge  of  the  previous 


17*  CRIMINOLOGY. 

life  of  the  criminal,  especially  concerning  his  career 
after  leaving  the  prison,  and  also  in  carefully  re- 
cording his  daily  life  while  under  their  care,  thus 
imparting  useful  knowledge  to  society  at  large. 
For  if  there  is  to  be  any  advancement  in  the 
knowledge  of  crime,  it  lies  in  the  direction  of  the 
study  of  the  criminal  himself.  Our  institutions, 
then,  should  afford  facilities  for  such  study,  the 
very  object  of  which  is  to  furnish  a  trustworthy 
basis  for  the  prevention  and  repression  of  crime. 
A  clear  idea  of  the  causes  of  criminality  is  the  first 
rational  step  towards  its  cure.  And  if  the  cure  be 
possible  only  to  a  certain  degree,  the  approximate 
determination  of  this  degree  would  be  of  great 
practical  importance. 

Some  of  these  cases  may  indicate  in  general  the 
small  amount  of  exact  knowledge  there  is  about 
human  beings  in  society,  since  with  a  comparatively 
large  number  of  data,  one  is  unable  to  give  more 
than  an  opinion  as  to  the  real  cause  of  the  crime; 
but  this  should  discourage  no  one,  as  it  is  due 
mainly  to  our  present  need  of  more  exact  methods 
of  investigation. 

It  would  seem,  then,  for  the  present,  that 
criminological  studies  should  be  directed  towards 
the  investigation  of  individual  criminals  as  mem- 
bers of  society  and  the  race.  And  it  is  in  the 
psychology  of  the  criminal  that  the  most  important 
results  can  be  reached.  His  feelings  and  thoughts 
in  general  and  especially  at  the  moment  of  his 
crime  reveal  to  us  most  of  all  his  true  condition. 
After  this  individual  study,  one  may  pass  to  the 


METHOD    OF   INVESTIGATION.  173 

broader   fields  of  criminal  sociology  and  anthro- 
pology. 

The  thorough  study  of  one  single  individual  in 
the  social  organism,  be  he  criminal  or  not,  may 
suggest  a  method,  for  the  beginning  at  least,  of  a 
scientific  sociology. 


CHAPTER  I. 


«     A    »» 


PURE   MURDER. — CASE   "A. 

The  term  "  Pure  Murder  "  refers  to  those  cases 
in  which  the  innate  tendency  to  take  human  life  is 
predominant.  Murderers  are  more  honest  than 
other  classes  of  criminals.  They  are  not  infre- 
quently chaste  in  character;  some  will  steal  only 
when  severely  pressed,  for  they  are  not  thieves  by 
nature.  In  the  very  essence  of  thieving  there  is 
an  element  of  cowardice,  but  the  murderer  requires 
quite  the  opposite  characteristic.  Whether  a  mur- 
derer by  nature  is  a  cannibal  born  into  modern 
civilization,  as  a  rudimentary  member,  or  a  creat- 
ure developed  from  his  surroundings,  is  unde- 
cided. Yet  it  is  difficult  to  comprehend  how  he 
could  be  wholly  one  or  the  other;  for  if  he  is  said 
to  be  a  creature  of  circumstances,  how  is  it  that  he 
is  influenced  for  the  wrong  unless  there  is  some- 
thing already  in  him  to  be  influenced.  The  question 
is,  then,  not  whether  a  criminal  is  so  by  nature  or 
by  circumstances,  but  rather  to  which  element  his 
crime  can  be  principally  attributed. 

The  cause  of  murder  can  lie  not  only  in  positive 
characteristics,  as  courage  and  force  of  will,  but  in 
the  want  of  characteristics,  such  as  a  lack  of  re- 
pulsion in  injuring  others  or  even  one's  self. 


PURE    MURDER.  1 75 

A  classical  case  of  pure  murder  is  where  a  fel- 
low-prisoner killed  his  comrade  while  snoring  too 
loud.  The  case  of  least  provocation  that  we  have 
seen  was  that  of  a  man  who  pierced  the  abdomen  of 
an  intimate  friend  with  a  very  small,  slender  knife- 
blade.  His  friend,  raising  up  his  vest,  said:  "Why, 
you  stabbed  me,  John;  there  is  blood  there."  With 
that  John  made  three  or  four  more  punctures,  from 
the  effects  of  which  the  man  died.  As  they  had 
no  quarrel  at  all,  it  would  seem  that  the  murderer 
merely  had  a  curiosity  to  stick  the  knife  into  some- 
thing. 

That  pure  murderers  seem  to  be  unconscious  of 
any  repulsion  is  evident  from  the  following  case: 
A  consumptive,  of  about  sixty,  who  was  on  his 
death-bed,  was  asked  by  the  doctor  why  he  killed 
his  mother  with  an  ax.  "  Ah,"  he  said,  "  My 
father  died,  and  I  thought  I  would  take  me  place  in 
the  family."  The  idea  was,  that  his  father  used  to 
beat  his  mother,  but  that  he  had  performed  this 
function  better  still.  Another  case  is  that  of  a 
life  prisoner,  who  had  been  in  a  dungeon  for  years. 
He  had  killed  several  men,  and  would  not  hesitate 
to  take  the  life  of  prison-officers,  all  of  whom 
were  afraid  of  him.  He  had  only  one  friend  in 
the  world,  and  that  was  the  "  doctor."  It  was 
perfectly  safe  to  go  into  his  cell  when  the  doctor 
introduced  one  as  his  friend.  At  the  time  of  the 
visit  he  happened  to  see  a  certain  prison-officer, 
and  a  volume  of  epithets  followed.  Then  he 
pointed  out  the  five  or  six  bullet-wounds  that  he 
had  received  in  a  row  with  the  officers.     "  Rascals 


X76  CRIMINOLOGY. 

and  cowards,"  he  growled,  grinding  his  teeth.  He 
said:  "I  came  from  Ireland,  where  I  had  also 
killed  some  men,  but  in  America  punishment  is  a 
great  deal  harder.  I  was  going  to  a  ball  with 
*  me '  girl  one  evening,  and  a  policemen  tried  to 
arrest  me;  he  insulted  'me 'girl  and  I  knocked 
him  *  inside  out '  (killed  him),  but  I  did  not  run 
away,  I  went  to  the  ball."  During  his  trial,  being 
very  easily  angered,  he  nearly  cleared  the  court- 
house, and  was  almost  bled  to  death  by  wounds 
from  handcuffs,  etc.,  used  to  subdue  him.  In  the 
course  of  conversation  he  said:  "  Doctor,  I  would 
have  killed  a  man  in  the  hospital  had  he  not  been 
under  your  charge." 

This  man  was  honest  in  character,  and  was 
chaste  toward  women.  He  would  give  his  life  up 
for  the  "  doctor."  Anyone  he  liked  he  would  do 
anything  for;  anyone  he  hated  he  would  kill  with- 
out the  least  repulsion.  There  was  something 
heroic  in  him,  notwithstanding  his  ferocity. 

As  already  observed  (Chapter  I.,  Part  I.),  man  in 
the  savage  state  was  forced  to  look  upon  the 
stranger  as  an  enemy,  which  generally  proved  to 
be  true.  But  the  little  child  also  seems  to  show 
traces  of  this  murderous  tendency.  For  it  would 
hesitate  none  the  less  to  bite  its  nurse  or  strike  its 
mother  did  these  acts  cause  their  death.  Fortu- 
nately this  propensity  is  generally  corrected,  but 
should  it  persist,  and  surroundings  be  favorable 
for  its  growth,  such  a  child  could  develop  into  a 
murderer. 

As  an  illustration  we  shall  study  the  case  of  "A," 


PURE   MURDER.  177 

who  was  twelve  or  thirteen  years  old  when  he  com- 
mitted the  act  that  made  him  known. 

That  "  A "  may  speak  for  himself,  we  give  ver- 
batim his  autobiography. 

Autobiography  of  "A." 

"  According  to  my  life  I  will  write  from  about 
when  I  was  7  or  8.  My  parents  treated  me  right 
till  I  was  11  years  old.  I  went  to  school  right 
along  for  about  2  months,  and  then  I  ran  away 
from  school.     So  then  my  parents  sent  me  to  the 

Asylum.     There   my  course  was   not  very 

well.  I  had  a  great  many  black  marks  against  me 
there.  I  staid  for  2  years  2  weeks  and  2  months. 
Then  I  was  sent  back  home,  and  behaved  myself 
for  1  month.  Then  again  I  did  not  go  to  school 
as  usual;  so  my  parents  sent  me  back  to  the  insti- 
tution. There  I  staid  a  long  time.  Then  I  was 
called  up  by  the  superintendent  of  the  place  and 
asked  if  I  would  like  to  live  in  the  country.  I  said 
I  would,  so  he  said  he  would  let  me  go. 

"  My  first  wrong  deed  I  done  was  to  steal  an 
apple  from  an  Italian's  stand.  I  went  home  with 
the  apple,  and  my  mother  asked  me  where  I  got  it. 
I  said  I  bought  it  for  one  cent.  She  asked  me 
where  I  got  my  money;  I  said  from  my  saving's 
bank.  She  asked  how  I  got  the  money  from  the 
bank. 

"  I  hung  my  head  and  did  not  want  to  tell  then. 
She  asked  me  what  was  the  matter;  I  said  nothing. 
She  said  why  do  you  hang  your  head  so;  I  said  for 
nothing. 

12 


178  CRIMINOLOGY. 

"  Then  I  went  from  home  and  was  lost.  When 
they  found  me  they  took  me  back  home.  When  I 
got  inside  the  house  my  father  asked  me  where  I 
was;  I  would  not  tell  him,  so  he  said  to  me  if  I 
did  not  tell  he  would  thrash  me,  and  still  I  would 
not  tell,  so  he  went  and  got  the  boot-jack  and  said, 
'Are  gou  going  to  tell  ?'  But  I  would  not;  and  so 
that  night  I  got  a  good  sound  thrashing. 

"  I  will  now  describe  my  parents  in  regard  to  their 
doings.  Just  before  I  left  home,  my  mother,  broth- 
ers, and  sisters  were  good  to  me,  and  I  will  mention 
them  more  than  my  father.  He  used  to  drink  a 
great  deal.  Every  night  when  he  came  home 
drunk  we  had  to  get  out  of  his  way,  or  something 
would  go  sailing  through  the  room.  But  one 
night  I  did  not  get  out  of  his  way;  I  was  not 
a-going  to  either,  for  I  just  was  a-going  to  see  what 
he  was  a-going  to  do.  He  came  in  the  door  and  I 
was  sitting  by  the  window.  He  just  walked  right 
over  to  where  I  was  and  jerked  a  hole  right 
through  my  ear.  I  commenced  to  cry.  He  asked 
me  what  was  the  matter.  As  soon  as  he  saw  my 
bloody  ear  he  got  a  piece  of  black  '  sucking ' 
plaster  and  put  it  on  the  back  of  my  ear.  My 
father  was  the  cause  of  my  mother's  death.  He 
came  home  drunk  one  night,  and  my  mother  was 
sitting  in  the  parlor  sewing  at  some  one  of  the 
boys'  pants;  he  picked  up  a  flat-iron  and  hurled 
it  at  my  mother;  it  did  not  strike  her;  she  looked 
about  and  could  not  tell  where  it  came  from.  She 
then  saw  my  father  pick  up  a  stove-poker.  He 
walked  up  to  my  mother  and  hit  her  with  it;  left 


PURE    MURDER.  179 

a  severe  wound,  and  she  was  in  bed  about  one 
month  before  she  died.  My  father  would  drink 
continuously,  but  there  was  no  more  trouble  in  the 
house. 

"  I  was  then  sent  from  home  to  the Asy- 
lum.    From   there  I  went  to ,  and  received 

a  good  education  in  schooling.  I  went  to  school 
in  summer  and  stayed  at  the  farm  in  winter.  I 
am  going  to  try  to  be  a  better  boy  hereafter. 

"When    I    was   in  I  did    a   great   many 

things  that  were  wrong.  The  man  I  was  with 
used  to  send  me  to  the  field  to  work,  and  I  used  to 
lay  down  in  the  field  and  go  to  sleep.  I  used  to 
sleep  by  the  hour,  and  sometimes  half  a  day,  if  he 
did  not  come  to  see  if  I  was  working.  If  I  was 
not,  he  would  pick  up  a  corn-stock  and  whip  me 
about  the  field.  He  would  set  me  at  pulling  weeds 
at  an  early  hour.  I  would  pull  for  two  or  three 
hours  steady  and  then  lie  down.  If  I  did  not  get 
enough  I  would  lie  down  all  day,  if  he  would  let 
me. 

"  I  was  with of County, ,  and 

stayed  for  one  month.  I  used  to  go  and  tease  the 
sheep  he  had;  then  I  would  chase  the  hogs  about 
the  pen  and  the  chickens  about  the  barn-yard.  I 
used  to  steal  eggs  of  all  kinds.  When  he  told  me 
to  go  up  to  the  "  Old  Home  "  out  in  the  field  and 
feed  the  cows  I  would  not  go;  I  would  lay  down 
and  go  to  sleep.  I  left  that  place  because  the  man 
did  not  like  me  nor  I  him. 

"  The   next  place  I  went  to  was County, 

.     The  man's  name  was .      He    had   a 


l8o  CRIMINOLOGY. 

very  nice  farm,  indeed.  I  liked  him  very  much. 
He  treated  me  as  he  would  one  of  his  own  boys, 
and  I  treated  him  as  any  ordinary  white  person 
should.  There  was  one  fault  between  us,  and  that 
was  I  would  not  do  the  work  decent;  and  that  was 
the  reason  I  left  him,  although  he  was  a  very  nice 
man.     I  liked  him  and  he  did  me. 

u  The  next  place  was  in  .     I  staid  with 

Mr. for  two  months.     I  liked  it  first-rate.     I 

used  to  run  the  windmill  at  his  place  every  day, 
pumping  a  big  tank  full  of  water.  The  worst  of 
it  was  I  did  not  like  to  watch  it.  I  had  to  herd 
from  15  to  20  head  of  cows  and  drive  them;  had 
to  fetch  them  from  the  pasture  every  morning  and 
night.  I  had  to  tend  12  horses,  feed  and  water 
them  every  morning,  noon,  and  night. 

"  The  next  place  I  went  was  in County. 

There  I  stayed  with  Mr.  for  three   months 

steady.  I  did  a  great  deal  of  work  there.  I  had 
to  plow,  sow,  reap,  harrow,  drag,  had  to  help 
gather  the  harvest  in,  going  about  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  before  we  reached  the  field.  There  was  where 
I  did  so  many  things  in  killing  his  animals.  As 
I  told  you  what  I  killed  I  need  not  mention  it 
here.    I  will  try  to  behave  myself  hereafter.    Then 

I  went  to ,  where  I  took  a  place  with , 

staying  for  three  good  solid  months.  I  did  not 
like  his  treatment.  In  the  winter  time  he  would 
not  let  me  have  mittens  on  my  hands;  he  would  set 
me  to  clean  the  horse  and  cow  stables  when  it  was 
bitter  cold,  without  anything  on  my  hands  to  keep 
them  warm  or  on  my  feet.     Sometimes  he  would 


PURE   MURDER.  l8l 

come  into  the  barn  and  see  me  standing  still,  not 
working;  he  would  ask  me  what  I  was  doing;  I 
would  say,  trying  to  warm  my  hands;  then  he 
would  say,  you  clean  out  these  stables  or  I'll  thrash 
you. 

"Then  he  would  come  again  and  catch  me  not 
working;  then  he  would  get  the  tugs  or  driving- 
rein  and  thrash  me,  and  besides  he  would  make  me 
'jerk  '  a  wagon  '  bed  '  of  corn  without  anything  on 
my  hands.  I  would  have  to  unload  it  and  pick 
another  load  before  I  got  anything  to  eat;  some- 
times three  loads  before  and  after  dinner.  If  I 
did  not  do  my  share  of  work  he  would  say,  you 
can't  have  anything  to  eat.  He  was  a  hard  man 
with  me,  when  I  hit  his  wife  with  my  fist  for 
plaguing  me.  If  she  had  not  been  teasing  me  I 
would  not  have  struck  her.  I  said  to  his  wife, 
1  Now,  just  stop  your  fooling  or  else  there  will  be 
trouble,'  but  she  would  not;  so  I  struck  her  a 
good  blow  in  the  face,  and  she  did  stop;  but  she 
told  her  husband,  and  that  night  I  got  a  good 
thrashing. 

"  The  next  place  I  went  to  was  at ,  where 

I  stayed  with five  months,  and  liked  it  first- 
rate.  I  used  to  do  all  the  chores  about  the  barn, 
and  help  in  the  housework  along  with  the  other 
work.  I  don't  remember  doing  anything  wrong 
there.  His  wife  was  a  good  lady,  and  I  liked  her 
very  much  indeed,  she  never  gave  me  much  trouble 
at  all. 

"  The  next  place  I  went  was .     There  I 

hired  out  to  a  man  that  kept  a  livery  stable.    I  did 


l82  •    CRIMINOLOGY. 

first-rate  work,  and  got  my  board  and  clothes. 
When  I  was  there  a  week  I  got  a  new  suit  of 
clothes,  and  had  a  splendid  time  of  it. 

"  The  next  place  I  went   was  .     There  I 

stayed  for  a  few  days  and  caught  a  '  blind  bag- 
gage,' and  rode  on  it  till  I  reached  a  station  about 

ten  miles  south  of .    Then  I  got  on  a  freight 

train  and  held  it  right  through  to  Chicago.  I 
stayed  there  about  a  week.  I  used  to  help  to  load 
steamships  for  pretty  near  six  days.  Finally  I 
stole  a  ride  on  a  boat  going  from  Chicago  to  Mil- 
waukee. There  I  came  nearly  getting  arrested  for 
stealing  a  ride  on  the  boat.  Then  the  mate  said, 
'Get  off  this  boat.'  I  said,  '  No  I  wont,  not  for 
such  a  thing  as  you  or  anyone  like  you  ';  so  he 
went  and  got  a  policeman.  The  policeman  said, 
1 1  will  give  you  till  one  o'clock  to  get  out  of  town.' 
But  I  was  rowing  in  one  of  the  boats  on  the  side 
of  the  shore  of  Lake  Michigan  for  at  least  two 
hours  after  the  policeman  told  me  to  get  out  of 
town.  I  swore  at  the  mate,  and  told  him  I  would 
break  his  face  for  him  if  I  caught  him  on  land. 
He  dare  not  set  foot  off  the  boat  for  fear  of  get- 
ting hurt.  I  went  back  to  Chicago  and  there 
stayed  for  three  days  more.  Then  I  got  on 
another  boat  and  went  to  Buffalo  about  three 
days;  then  took  a  freight  train,  and  slept  on  a 
load  of  sheep  for  one  night;  when  I  got  out  of  the 
car  I  was  about  fifty  miles  from  Buffalo  on  one  of 
the  roads  running  through  Pennsylvania.  I  had 
to  work  my  way  part  of  the  time,  and  the  con- 
ductor gave  me  a  ride  in  his  caboose  for  over  ioo 


PURE    MURDER.  183 

miles.  I  had  to  keep  out  of  sight  for  fear;  if  I  was 
caught  I  might  be  arrested,  and  the  conductor 
might  have  been  discharged.  I  walked  for  three 
days,  stopping  only  for  resting  and  eating;  then  I 
caught  a  freight  train,  going  very  slow,  about  a  half 
a  mile  from  Scranton,  and  riding  from  there  to 
Jersey  City,  I  walked  to  Hoboken,  taking  a  boat 
across  the  river,  I  walked  down  to  Grand  street, 
and  started  to  find  my  folks,  but  after  inquiring 
for  them  I  stayed  in  New  York  city  two  hours; 
then  taking  a  boat  I  went  across  the  river  to 
Brooklyn.  There  I  began  my  search  with  a  gang 
of  Brooklyn  boys  to  help  me  hunt  up  my  parents. 
We  went  to  a  large  drug-store  and  asked  to  take 
the  directory  to  find  a  man's  name  and  place  where 
he  lived.  We  found  a  good  many  with  the  same 
name  as  my  father.  We  went  to  these  places,  but 
did  not  find  the  right  one;  but  still  we  looked,  but 
no  traces  could  be  found;  but  I  remember  of  one 
in  East  Brooklyn,  but  I  did  not  have  time  to  go 
over  there,  because  I  was  taken  by  a  minister  to 

the Home.     I  stayed  there   one  month.     I 

did  not  work  in  the  house.  The  work  I  did  was 
cutting  wood  and  helping  in  the  engine-room.  I 
got  my  dinner  at  i  p.  m.  sharp,  sometimes  not  till 
1.30  p.  m.     I  liked  it  first-rate  there;  it  was  a  very 

good    place.     Then    I    went   to  ,  where  Mr. 

came  after  me.  I  went  to  his  place  on  Christ- 
mas noon,  where  I  got  a  good  meal.  The  next 
morning,  when  I  got  up,  I  went  out  to  the  barn 
and  did  all  the  chores  the  best  I  knew  how;  then 
went  to  the  house  and  did  what  was  needed  there; 


184  CRIMINOLOGY. 

then  I  went  into  the  yard  and  fed  the  chickens  and 
turkeys.  Then  came  noon;  I  went  out  and  fed 
and  watered  the  horses  and  cattle;  then  rumished 
around  a  little,  and  doing  something  once  in 
a  while.  When  I  was  not  doing  anything  I  would 
think  of  something  to  do.  If  I  could  not  think  of 
something  I  would  go  in  the  house  and  read.  I 
stayed  at  the  house  in  summer  and  went  to 
school  in  winter.  We  used  to  have  fine  times;  we 
had  lots  of  fine  coasting  and  sliding  down  a  hill 
half  a  mile  long.  I  would  ride  down  on  a  sled. 
But  one  day  was  a  sad  one  for  one  of  the  boys  in 
the  school-house.  I  stole  his  sled  and  ran  off  to 
town  with  it;  I  had  a  lot  of  fun  with  it,  then 
gave   it   away,  and    had    some   fun  with  the   boy 

I  gave  the  sled  to;  then  went  down  to  the 

railroad  depot.  I  had  a  talk  with  Mr. ,  con- 
ductor of  the  road,  and  then  with  the  man  in  the 
station  or  the  telegraph  operator;  then  went  out  of 
the  station  and  stole  another  sled  for  to  pay  the 
boy  for  the  sled  I  stole  on  him.  I  then  went  back 
with  the  sled  I  stole  to  town,  and  gave  it  to  him. 
The  boy's  father  came  up  to  the  barn  where  I  was 
doing  chores;  he  said  to  me,  '  Where  is  the  sled 
you  stole  from  my  boy.'  I  told  him  I  left  it  in 
town;  then  he  said,  '  You  get  the  sled  or  you  will 
pay  for  it,'  I  said  all  right.  Then  he  asked  me 
when  I  was  going  to  get  it;  I  said  this  afternoon;  if 
I  could  not  get  the  sled,  I  would  get  a  new  one. 
So  I  started  for  town  right  after  dinner,  and  got 
in  town  by  two  o'clock;  there  I  stayed  pretty  late; 
as  I  was  going  up  the   hill  with    the  sled  in  my 


PURE    MURDER.  1 85 

arms  I  went  down  the  back  way  through  the  back 
road.  I  thought  I  would  not  be  heard  or  seen, 
but  I  was  mistaken.  As  I  approached  the  barn- 
yard I  saw  the  father  of  the  boy  I  stole  the  sled 
from  and  his  hired  hands.  Then  I  went  up  to  the 
house  and  went  to    bed    in    the    hack    under  the 

wagon-shed.     The  next  morning  old came  in 

the  shed,  and  gave  me  a  poke  with  a  stick  he 
[the  man  he  worked  for]  always  carried  when  he 
went  to  milk  the  cows.  When  I  woke  up  I  made 
a  groan  and  then  turned  out.  I  did  the  chores, 
then  went  into  the  house  and  got  some  breakfast, 
I  went  by  the  stove  and  got  warm  a  little,  then 
went  upstairs  and  dressed  myself  in  my  best  suit 
of  clothes,  then  went  downstairs  and  bid  them 
good-bye.     Then  I  started  on  my  journey  for  New 

York.     I  walked  from to ,  a  distance 

of  25  miles. 

"  As  I  was  going  along  the  road  I  met  two  teams 
coming  along  the  road.  After  we  passed  the 
teams  I  started  snow-balling  a  lady  of  about  65  or 
70  years  old;  then  she  said  she  would  get  me  ar- 
rested; that  got  me  mad,  I  did  not  like  it,  because 
she  said  she  would  have  me  arrested.  I  saw  a  few 
stones  ahead  of  me  on  the  ground;  I  picked  up 
three  or  four  stones.  Then  she  caught  up  with 
me;  I  then  started  and  ran  ahead  about  six  rods, 
then  fired  one  of  the  stones  at  her;  I  then  kept  it 
up  until  I  had  bruised  her  very  badly.     Then  I 

ran   on   to  and  caught  a  train   going   to 

.     I  did  not  want  to  go  on  the  train,  but  the 

station-keeper  put  me  on.     Then  when  the  con- 


186  CRIMINOLOGY. 

ductor  came  for  my  ticket,  I  said  that  I  was  a  poor 
boy  without  any  home,  and  wanted  to  go  to  New 

York  city.  But  he  gave  a  me  ride  to ;  when  I 

got  in I  slept  in  the  2d  Precinct  Station- 
house.  I  told  the  police  that  I  was  a  poor  boy 
and  had  no  home;  had  been  away  from  home  for 
four  years,  and  had  been  all  around;  and  they 
made  a  collection  for  me  and  I  got  $1.50.  Then  I 
went  down  to  the  State  Board  of  Charities,  and 
asked  the  head  man  of  the  house  for  a  pass  to  New 
York  city. 

"  He  sent  a  man  with  me  to  the depot  and 

gave  me  the  pass.  I  took  the  pass  and  got  on  the 
train,  and  was  going  for  New  York  city.  When  I 
reached  New  York  I  was  asked  by  a  detective  what 
my  name  was.  I  told  him  what  it  was;  he  said 
that  father  and  mother  were  looking  for  me.  Then 
he  said  I  will  take  you  there;  I  said  all  right. 
Good-bye." 

FROM    THE    RECORDS    OF    THE    INSTITUTION. 

History  of  "A." 
Received  May,   1889;  assault   1st  degree,  Court 

Oyer  and  Terminer ;  plead  guilty.    Father, 

Catholic  ;  intemperate ;  mother,  dead;  step- 
mother, Catholic;  habits,  unknown.  No  insanity 
or  epilepsy  in  family;  don't  know  about  her 
father ;  one  brother  imprisoned  on  Blackwell's 
Island.  Step-parent,  mother  has  heard  nothing  of 
his  parents  since  they  surrendered  him  six  years 
ago ;  grandfather,  German;  reads  and  writes; 
longshoreman  ;    grandmother.    American  ;    educa- 


PURE    MURDER.  187 

tion  unknown,  family  very  poor;  don't  know  why 
father  was  arrested. 

Facts  as  to  "A." 

He  has  known  no  residence;  home  wretched; 
Protestant;  no  previous  arrest;  home  life  till  six 

years  ago;  Asylum  and  country  were  places 

he  was  at;  very  little  moral  sense.     He  was  placed 

in Asylum    six   years   ago    by  his    parents. 

Two  years  later  he  was  sent  to  Illinois  and  placed 
with ;  then  placed  successively  with  four  dif- 
ferent farmers;  remained  with  the  last  one  the 
longest  (about  a  year);  was  in  Illinois  about  four 
years  altogether;  came  away  from  last  place  and 
started  for  New  York,  stealing  rides;  looked  in 
vain  for  his  people,  and  was  after  a  few  days  taken 

up  by  the Society  of  and  sent  to . 

He  remained  a  month  or  more  and  then  ran  away, 
and  on  the  same  day  he  struck  a  woman  with  a 
stone,  stealing  up  behind  her.  They  had  ridden  to- 
gether in  a  farmer's  sleigh;  she  was  an  old  woman; 
the  assault  was  unprovoked.  They  had  chanced  to 
fall  together  on  a  country  road.  Age,  January, 
1889,  15  years.  Health  good;  blue  eyes;  quality 
medium;  fair,  light  brown,  clothing  good;  com- 
plexion fair.  On  admission:  weight,  44.90  kilos.; 
height,  1,494mm.;  chest,  711-762  mm.  February, 
1890:  weight,  48.07  kilos.;  height,  1,549  mm.;  chest, 
685-762  mm.  May,  1890:  weight,  48.97  kilos.; 
height,  1,574  mm.;  chest,  736-812  mm. 

Previous  education,  3d  Reader,  long  division; 
assigned  to  3d  grade,  2d  division;   previous  occu- 


1 88  CRIMINOLOGY. 

pat  ion,  farm  boy;  assigned  to  tailor  shop.  First 
badge  earned  October  5,  1889;  time,  21  weeks; 
6  complaints.  Second  badge,  March  22,  1889; 
time,  24  weeks;  5  complaints;  total,  11  complaints. 

Complaints  against  "A,"  i88g. 

June  28,  by  Watchman:  Out  of  his  dormitory 
continually  to  make  a  disturbance;  crawling  along 
the  upper  tier  to  other  dormitories  (3  weeks).1 

July  20,  by  Tailor:  Not  doing  his  work,  when 
other  boys  come  and  get  their  clothes  fixed;  plays 
with  them,  (2  weeks). 

Aug.  5,  by  Watchman:  Lying  down  on  the 
floor  outside  of  his  dormitory;  talking  to  other 
boys;  also,  Saturday  night,  throwing  down  differ- 
ent articles  he  brought  from  the  tailor  shop  (3 
weeks). 

Sept  1,  by  Hallman:  Stole  a  book  ("  St.  Nicho- 
las ")  from  the  school-room  and  gave  it  to . 

Sept.  8,  by  Watchman  :  Standing  or  lying 
partly  out   of    his   door;  talking  in   a   loud    tone 

to  boy .     I  have  repeatedly  had  to  spe?k  to 

this  boy  in  regard  to  talking;  have  had  him  on  the 
floor;  he  will  not  obey  the  rules;  talked  Friday 
and  Saturday  night  (punished  with  a  strap). 

Sept.  24,  by  Watchman  :  Report  this  boy  for 
throwing  a  short,  heavy  stick  (called  a  "  nib  ")  from 
his  dormitory  door  at  me.  I  saw  the  stick  coming, 
and  the  direction  from  his  door;  he  denies  it;  boy 


1  3  weeks  added  to  his  time  of  confinement  in  institution. 


PURE    MURDER.  1 89 

sleeps  next  to  him;  other  side  is ;  one  of 

these  boys  surely  threw  it;  witnesses  (i  week). 

Nov.  16,  by  Hallman:  For  disorder  in  the  hall, 
throws  rags  (at  boys and ). 

Dec.  4,  by  Watchman:  Found  in  another  boy's 
dormitory  under  the  bed;  hiding  soon  after  the 
first  count  was  taken  (3  weeks).1 

Dec.  12,  by  Superintendent:  Refusing  to  do  as 
told;  striking  at  me  with  a  broken  knife  when  I 
attempted  to  punish  him  (punished  with  a  strap). 

Dec.  20,  by  Military  Instructor:  Running  around 

sleeping-hall  and  striking  boy in  face,  without 

provocation  (punished  with  a  strap). 

March  8,  1890:  Disorderly  conduct. 

May  5,  1890,   by  Hallman:   For  not   scrubbing 

clean,  and  not  taking  care  of  his ,  and  stealing 

a  book  from  Mr. (2  weeks). 

Sept.  4:  Caused  trouble  in  his  company  by  inter- 
fering with  the  other  boys. 

Oct.  15:  Throwing  a  dipper  on  the  store-room 
floor. 

March  3,  1891:  Released.  Home  and  emploj'- 
ment  were  found  for  him  with  some  farmers, 
where  "A"  remained  till  March  11,  when  we  ran 
away  from  them,  taking  some  of  their  property. 
Since  this  time  he  has  not  been  heard  from. 


1  3  weeks  added  to  his  time  of  confinement  in  institution. 


190  CRIMINOLOGY. 


Testimony. 


The  Tailor  says:  "  Disagreeable  to  other  boys." 

Yard-keeper  says:  "  Makes  unreasonable  re- 
quests; becomes  angry,  strikes  a  boy;  yet  came 
with  a  reading  paper,  which  had  been  given  to 
him,  and  wanted  me  to  read  it  first;  has  heard 
that  he  put  a  string  around  his  finger  to  make  it 
black  in  order  to  get  out  of  work." 

Physician:  "  Only  in  hospital  once  "  (nothing 
serious). 

Hallman:  "Raises  his  temper  easy;  does  not 
care  how  he  does  his  work;  boys  and  some  of  the 
officers  say  he  is  a  "  little  off";  I  don't  report  the 
boy,  as  it  will  do  no  good;  has  not  improved  on 
his  scrubbing  work  for  nine  months.  I  said  he 
would  have  to  go  to  superintendent.  He  an- 
swered: •  I  don't  care;  I  will  go  down  and  tell  him 
I  did  my  work  good  enough.'  " 

Mr. ,  Teacher:  "  Tried  to  hang  him- 
self; too  familar  with  me;  saw  my  watch-chain  and 
said:  '  I  will  have  that  watch  and  chain.'  This  he 
did  three  or  four  times;  but  after  a  reprimand  he 
ceased  to  be  familiar." 

Professor  of  Drawing  says  :  "  He  is  a  little 
below  the  average  in  his  work,  and  a  good  boy." 

Mr. ,  School  Principal :  "  Nervous,  impul- 
sive; he  will  look  at  you  with  glaring  eyes  when 
reproved;  dreamy  way  about  him." 

Mrs. ,  Teacher:  "  Good  scholar;  industrious; 

best  in  arithmetic  (three  months  in  this  depart- 
ment).    I  never  had  any  trouble  with   him;  never 


PURE   MURDER.  I9I 

had  to  speak  to  him,  to  correct  him;  half  of  the 
boys  I  never  speak  to  at  all,  that  is  to  say:  '  turn 
around  and  study  '  etc.;  he  was  a  little  behind,  but 
caught  up;  he  told  of  killing  the  woman  as  though 
he  would  not  like  to  have  us  tell  about  it;  but  with 
no  air  of  vanity,  no  animation  in  his  face;  he  said 
he  would  never  do  it  again." 

Miss ,  Teacher:     "  Very  good  boy  in  school; 

did  fairly  in  all  studies,  but  better  in  arithmetic; 
perceives  quickly;  never  got  angry;  great  boy  to 
read  papers  ('Golden  Days,'  etc.);  was  six  months 
under  me." 

Carpenter:  "  No  mechanical  ability;  no  natural 
affection  or  feeling  for  any  injury  he  inflicts;  he 
struck  a  boy  in  the  yard;  the  boy  did  not  retort, 
but  '  A  '  simply  grinned;  if  he  is  disorderly  and 
spoken  to  about  it,  he  acts  indifferent;  he  has  not 
shown  the  least  sign  of  anger  or  viciousness,  as 
gritting  his  teeth;  when  disorderly  he  acts  as  if  he 
was  not  bright,  just  indifferent;  never  reported  him 
him  because  he  did  not  seem  vicious.  When  he 
struck  the  boy,  he  said, '  I  was  only  fooling ';  he  said 
to  me  he  had  no  reason  at  all  for  stoning  the  old 
woman;  he  felt  like  it  and  stoned  her;  he  did  not 
feel  bad  about  it  at  all,  and  had  no  remorse;  this 
he  said  when  he  first  came  here;  never  saw  him 
playing  much  with  the  boys;  ever  since  here,  he 
has  not  varied  from  being  indifferent,  and  doing 
things  thoughtlessly;  never  caught  him  in  a  lie;  if 
asked  what  he  did  wrong  for,  he  will  say,  '  Well  I 
don't  know.'  No  hilarity  in  the  boy,  he  grins  a 
little;  does  not  talk  loud,   seems   uneasy;  difficult 


I9»  CRIMINOLOGY. 

for  him  to  remain  still.  He  tied  a  handkerchief 
so  tight  around  his  neck  that  he  was  purple;  he  said 
he  wanted  to  choke  himself  to  death,  as  the  fellows 
said,  he  told  them  so.  I  think  he  was  trying  to 
show  the  boys  what  he  could  do,  to  '  scare  '  them. 
When  I  call  him  up  for  disorder  there  are  '  spells '; 
he  has  a  staring  look,  and  if  I  ask  him  a  question 
he  does  not  seem  to  notice  it,  then  in  an  instant  he 
seems  to  come  to  himself  (he  has  a  vacant  look 
when  in  the  '  spells  '  )  and  understands  what  was 
said  to  him;  this  spell  endured  about  a  quarter  of 
a  minute;  frequently  those  spells  come  on  (glare, 
hesitating,  and  looking)  but  not  always  when 
spoken  to.  When  reprimanded  sharply  sometimes, 
he  did  not  have  these  spells,  he  first  looks  down, 
then  into  my  eye  (glaring)  bends  his  head  simply; 
a  short  reprimand  produced  no  fear  or  scowl,  but 
in  every  case  a  sameness,  that  is  he  looks  up  and 
down  slowly  as  if  he  was  planning  something;  but 
he  confesses  everything;  most  peculiar  boy  in  this 
institution  in  his  actions — that  is,  a  sameness  in  his 
actions,  manner,  motions,  etc.  My  opinion  is  that 
the  boy  would  not  hesitate  a  moment  to  take  his 
life,  no  idea  of  what  is  beyond  the  act." 

The  Steward:  "  His  make-up  is  not  first-rate;  at 
times,  when  I  would  correct  him,  he  would  stand 
and  look  down  and  turn  his  eyes,  acting  as  a  boy 
going  to  be  insubordinate;  he  would  show  fullness 
of  the  face,  that  he  was  angry,  a  peculiar  form  of 
anger,  having  the  air  of  sullenness  and  rank 
temper,  different  from  the  other  boys;  he  does  not 
talk  much  when  angry.     This  spell  would  last  as 


PURE    MURDER.  1 93 

long  as  you  talked  to  him;  once  I  corrected  him, 
he  showed  a  good  disposition,  but  could  not  be 
called  an  obedient  boy;  towards  the  latter  part  of 
the  time  he  was  with  me  he  told  me  his  crime; 
said  it  was  without  provocation  on  a  highway,  that 
he  broke  her  wrist;  he  did  not  appear  sorry  for  it; 
told  me  her  name  and  age;  he  is  not  a  bright  boy; 
not  with  the  other  boys  much;  a  boy  somewhat  a 
little  silly  was  with  him  some;  the  boys  '  pumped  ' 
him  and  after  that  dropped  him,  as  they  usually 
do,  and  so  the  half-silly  fellows  were  with  him  a 
little;  after  a  while  he  used  to  play  ball  a  little.  I 
think  he  would  do  injury;  he  is  not  a  good  boy  in 
any  sense.  He  had  spells,  so  I  did  not  trouble 
him;  he  was  reported  three  or  four  times  to  me 
for  striking  boys;  he  denied  it;  he  would  come  up 
good  and  cheery  when  called;  once  he  was  surly, 
and  the  more  I  talked  to  him  the  worse  he  became; 
he  was  not  impudent,  nor  did  he  talk  up  quick;  he 
muttered  something  at  that  time." 

Watchman  :  "  He  was  with  me  about  four 
months;  at  times  he  became  excited  and  hardljr 
knew  what  he  did;  he  looked  wild  out  of  his  eyes. 
He  often  wet  his  bed;  I  called  him  three  times  a 
night;  he  got  better;  at  times  he  was  cranky;  hard 
boy  to  wake  up,  had  to  shake  him;  he  would  stare 
at  me  when  I  called  him;  he  would  act  as  if  he 
were  mad,  and  after  an  hour  he  would  say  I  will 
try  and  be  a  good  boy  hereafter;  he  has  asked  me 
to  forgive  him.  He  was  not  bad  intentionally.  I 
think  he  has  lied  to  me.  He  said  he  would  be  a 
good  boy,  but  did  not  want  to  be  reported.  He 
*3 


194  CRIMINOLOGY. 

ran  upstairs,  I  reprimanded  him,  and  he  threw  a 
stick  (nib)  at  me." 

Watchman  (2d  Division):  "He. has  been  under 
me  about  a  year;  he  is  a  little  '  off  ';  he  has  thrown 
things  around  the  hall  quite  often,  but  not  so  much 
now;  have  to  call  him  three  times  every  night,  at 
10,  12-15  and  2  to  go  to  the  water-closet;  he  wakes 
up  with  difficulty  ;  have  caught  him  running 
around  fooling  with  other  boys;  when  reprimanded 
he  promises  he  won't  do  it  any  more,  but  if  he  has 
a  'pout'  (ill-tempered)  he  will  not  say  he  is  sorry; 
he  is  no  coward;  sometimes  talks  back;  he  would 
deny  things  he  had  done,  and  sometimes  long 
afterwards  he  would  admit  it,  but  did  not  want  to 

get  reported;  his  chum  is ,  who  is  surely  ■  off '; 

the  other  boys  call  him  a  fool." 

Chaplain:  "His  people  are  not  attendants  at 
church;  while  in  Home  of was  not  at  Sun- 
day-school; this  is  about  all  the  religious  instruc- 
tion he  has  had;  here  he  has  taken  interest  in  the 
temperance  work,  signing  the  pledge;  he  came  to 
me  several  times  about  this;  has  attended  our 
prayer-meetings  regularly,  is  a  very  close  listener. 
He  says  '  I  don't  want  to  be  a  drunkard,  I  want  to 
sign  now.'  " 

Military  Instructor:  "  He  has  been  a  good  sol- 
dier, is  an  intelligent  one;  has  made  no  mistake  that 
I  know  of." 

Superintendent:  "  When  being  reprimanded  in 
my  room,  thinking  he  would  be  whipped;  he  started 
to  run  into  the  sleeping-hall,  then  he  stopped  and 
drew  a  knife  out  of  his  pocket.     I  said ,  call- 


PURE    MURDER.  I95 

ing  his  name;  and  he  said,  '  Lock  me  up,  lock  me 
up,  I  will  give  knife  up,  if  you  will  lock  me  up.'  I 
got  him  into  a  dormitory  and  got  the  knife  away 
from  him;  he  ran,  breaking  away  from  me  into  the 
yard  and  up  into  the  other  sleeping-hall;  and  get- 
ting a  club,  he  chased  the  boys  out.  The  military 
officer  went  to  get  the  club  away  from  him,  but  he 
struck  at  him;  when,  however,  taken  hold  of,  he 
ceased  resisting;  his  eyes  shone  like  a  wild  beast's. 
I  whipped  him  for  that  and  he  cried  a  little;  has 
not  been  very  disobedient  since;  this  occurred  after 
he  had  been  here  some  time,  when  he  ceased  to  be 
a  quiet  boy." 

The  Superintendent  of  another  institution,  .n 
which  "  A  "  was  formerly,  says:  "  He  was  a  heedless, 
disobedient  boy  while  here;  he  showed  no  very 
serious  misconduct,  but  simply  little  petty  mean- 
nesses; he  was  disagreeable  to  his  teacher  and 
others,  no  special  traits  distinguished  him  from  a 
hundred  other  boys  here.  We  always  have  quite  a 
large  number  of  boys  whose  foolish  conduct  and 
wanton  acts  indicate  a  lack  of  good  sense  and  a 
streak  of  meanness." 

Another  Superintendent  says:  "  There  was  noth- 
ing special  to  attract  attention  during  his  (' A's  ') 
short  stay." 

The  District  Attorney  of  the  county  in  which 
"  A  "  was  tried  says:  "  He  is  as  bright  as  he  is 
bad;  he  is  bad  only  in  one  way,  and  that  is  in  his 
desire  to  hurt  somebody;  he  was  indicted  for  as- 
sault in  the  first  degree;  he  met  an  old,  fat  lady  in 
the  street,  knocked  her  down  with  stones,  then 


196  CRIMINOLOGY. 

jumped  on  her  and  pounded  her  head  with  stones; 
broke  her  wrist,  etc.;  he  is  a  fair-looking  boy  as 
you  ever  saw;  but  seems  to  have  spells.  Every 
man  in  jail  was  afraid  of  him,  for  he  would  throw 
things  at  them  in  unconquerable  fits,  and  he  was 
so  small  that  they  would  not  touch  him;  and,  ex- 
cept in  those  spasms,  was  a  general  favorite.  I 
write  you,  because  if  that  boy  can  be  cured,  he  will 
make  a  very  bright  man." 

In  a  letter,  "  A  "  wrote  to  another  boy  formerly 
in  the  institution  he  says:  "  Dear  Sir — I  now  take 
the  pleasure  of  writing  you  a  few  lines.  I  am  in 
good  health ;  I  hope  you  are  the  same.    The  weather 

is  very  delightful  up  here;  I  believe  that  Mr. 

is  going  to  leave  us,  but  I  hope  he  don't  go,  for  if  he 
would  I  would  not  like  it.  I  am  still  in  the  '  Scrub- 
bing Gang  '  (lowest  grade),  they  could  not  hire  me 
to  go  out  of  it  for  anything  When  you  write  to 
me,  tell  me  what  you  have  done.  The  first  thing 
when  you  got  home,  did  you  start  for  the  woods  ?  I 
would  like  to  know.  From  your  friend No.  — .  " 

The  farmer  with  whom  "A"  lived  last  (before  his 
crime)  says:  "  As  to  the  assault  on  the  old  lady: 
They  were  riding  on  a  sleigh  and  they  both  got  off 

at ;  and  she  went  one  way  and  he  the  other. 

Then  he  ran  ahead  of  her  and  got  a  stone  and 
threw  it  and  knocked  her  down;  then  pounded  her 
and  broke  one  of  her  arms.  Some  one,  I  do  not 
know  who  it  was,  came  to  her  assistance;  he  ran 
and  took  the  cars  for  — — — ,  where  he  was  ar- 
rested. She  was  under  the  Doctor's  care  for  a 
long  time.     I  do  not  know  whether  she  is  alive  or 


PURE    MURDER.  I97 

not.  The  boy  is  a  bad  boy;  he  was  with  me  about 
four  months,  and  I  was  glad  when  he  left.  Before 
he  went  he  had  been  going  to  school,  and  he  acted 
so  with  the  scholars  that  it  was  unendurable.  He 
stole  one  of  their  sleds  and  sold  it,  and  he  took  a 
knife  to  my  wife,  but  it  was  before  anything  else 
had  happened;  he  was  not  angry;  so  we  did  not  do 
anything  about  it.  I  am  sorry  he  is  such  a  boy, 
for  he  is  a  bright  boy." 

The  physician  says  he  was  called  to  see  the  old 
lady;  he  treated  her  "for  a  broken  arm  and  a 
bruised  back,  which  was  about  as  bad  as  her  arm; 
her  face  was  somewhat  cut  and  scratched." 

Examination  of  "A." 

"  I  began  school  when  I  was  four  years  old,  and 
went  about  six  years.  One  of  my  brothers  used 
to  hit  me  with  his  fist;  I  would  not  touch  him,  for 
I  was  afraid  he  would  tell  my  mother.  I  hit  him 
out  of  spite  once.  Another  of  my  brothers  treated 
me  all  right;  another  pretty  well;  did  not  like  my 
step-mother,  she  used  to  whip  me  too  much.  My 
father  quarreled  with  my  real  mother,  would 
pound  her  with  his  fist;  was  always  drunk  then. 
He  would  not  do  it  again,  if  I  was  home;  did 
not  hit  her  the  three  months  I  was  there;  if  he 
had,  there  would  have  been  a  stick  of  wood  flying 
at  him.  I  do  not  want  to  go  home;  would  not  step 
inside  of  the  door,  because  I  am  afraid  I  would  get 
my  head  knocked  off.  I  would  not  have  left  home 
had  my  father  not  got  drunk;  would  run  away  and 
then  be  afraid  to  return,  so,  in  order  to  eat,  some 


I98  -  CRIMINOLOGY. 

other  boys  and  I  would  steal  old  iron  and  zinc, 
and  sleep  near  the  foundries  inside  of  some  of  the 
things  where  it  was  warm;  I  would  miss  school, 
and  was  sent  to  one  or  two  institutions,  and  then 
out  West;  I  wanted  to  run  around  and  see  the 

country.     I  left  Mr. -,  because  he  did  not  like 

me;  tramped  around  for  nearly  two  years,  I  guess; 
while  at  Chicago,  broke  into  cars  and  got  some- 
thing to  eat;  I  always  carried  a  knife  with  me  to 
keep  larger  tramps  from  pitching  on  to  me.  I 
killed  the  horse  of  one  farmer  with  a  club;  also  at 
another  time  a  cow  and  a  sheep,  I  wanted  to  get 
even  with  the  farmer  for  whipping  me;  I  would 
have  killed  the  farmer,  but  he  was  too  big;  I  don't 
like  to  see  a  cow  killed,  because  it  should  live  as 
well  as  we.  I  went  through  Pennsylvania,  because 
I  wanted  to  see  the  country;  was  interested  in  the 
coal  mines.  I  went  to  New  York  and  stayed  about 
a  month,  and  was  sent  out  into  the  country  again. 
I  did  not  like  the  place;  the  man  whipped  me  with 
a  ratan,  but  not  very  hard;  a  boy  teazed  me  at 
school  by  calling  me  names,  so  I  stole  his  sled  and 
brought  another  back  in  its  place.  The  man  I  was 
with  I  did  not  like,  so  I  left  him.  Going  along  the 
road  I  met  an  old  woman,  and  walked  with  her  a 
half  an  hour;  then  we  got  into  an  empty  sleigh 
and  rode  about  fifteen  minutes;  the  man  with  the 
sleigh  turned  off  on  another  road,  so  we  got  off. 
I  saw  some  large  icicles  in  the  trees  and  began  to 
knock  them  down  with  snow-balls.  Then  I 
thought  it  would  be  fun  to  throw  at  the  old  lady. 
I  threw  them   pretty  swift;  she  called  me  names, 


PURE   MURDER.  1 99 

said  she  would  have  me  arrested  before  night;  I 
threw  two  more  snow-balls.  Two  teams  came  along 
and  I  stopped  throwing  snow-balls,  because  they 
would  catch  me.  The  snow-balls  did  not  hurt  her 
for  they  only  hit  her  shawl.  I  was  getting  angry; 
I  threw  three  small  stones;  only  the  third  one  hit  her 
on  the  arm;  she  said  she  would  have  me  arrested. 
I  saw  a  bare  place  where  there  were  some  stones, 
I  ran  ahead  to  it,  crossing  a  road  ;  she  ran  down 
this  road  to  get  away  from  me.  I  ran  across  lots 
after  her;  she  slipped  down  on  the  ice;  I  threw 
larger  stones  at  her,  threw  them  under-hand  as  I 
could  do  it  swifter,  two  of  the  stones  were  large, 
about  five  inches  long  and  two  inches  thick,  I 
kicked  at  her,  but  hit  the  bundle  of  clothes;  the 
stones  made  gashes  on  her  head,  the  big  stone 
broke  her  wrist.  I  saw  some  one  running  up  from 
the  station,  so  I  stopped  and  ran  away." 

On  closer  questioning  the  following  was  brought 
out : 

Q.  Why  didn't  you  throw  all  the  stones  at  her  ? 

A.  Because  I  did  not  want  to  waste  them  on  her 
so  quick;  she  screamed  each  time,  and  I  kept  on 
just  to  hear  her  scream  for  the  fun  of  it,  to  get 
even  with  her. 

Q.  Why  didn't  you  jump  on  her  with  your  feet 
instead  of  your  knees  ? 

A.  Because  I  did  not  want  to  go  too  fast. 

Q.  Why  did  you  not  get  right  over  her  and 
throw  the  big  stones  right  down  on  her  harder? 

A.  I  could  throw  them  under-hand  easier,  jerk 
them. 


200  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Q*  How  did  you  feel  all  this  time? 

A.  I  felt  dizzy  all  the  time  after  I  threw  the  first 
snow-ball;  I  kept  a-going  to  keep  myself  from 
falling  down  and  hitting  some  one  or  something 
else.  When  I  ran  away  I  had  the  same  dizziness 
about  ten  minutes,  and  then  fell  down  tired  out ; 
then  in  three  minutes  I  was  all  right  again.  I 
commenced  having  dizziness  in  the  head  right 
after  I  got  angry;  I  cannot  control  myself;  can 
stand  some  fun  from  the  boys,  but  soon  I  get 
angry  and  mean  to  kill  them.  I  threatened  the 
superintendent  with  a  knife  because  I  thought  he 
was  going  to  punish  me  ;  I  meant  to  kill  him.  I 
had  no  dizziness  while  killing  horse,  cow,  and 
sheep  to  get  even  with  the  farmers  ;  sometimes  I 
get  angry  without  feeling  dizzy.  Saying  she 
would  have  me  arrested  made  me  angry ;  these 
spells  last  about  an  hour.  When  I  drew  the  knife 
on  the  superintendent,  and  struck  the  club  at  the 
military  officer,  I  did  not  have  any  dizziness,  but 
got  mad.  When  I  become  dizzy  I  try  to  kill, 
sometimes,  I  say,  it  is  just  for  the  fun  of  it ;  but 
I  really  want  to  kill.  I  just  as  leave  die  as  not,  and 
go  and  see  my  mother.  If  I  killed  anyone  they 
would  hang  me,  so  I  would  die.  I  wanted  to  kill 
the  old  woman,  but  was  not  thinking  of  being 
killed  myself  at  that  time.  I  did  not  want  to  get 
caught,  or  I  would  have  killed  her  by  throwing  the 
stones  at  her  head.  I  wouldn't  have  cared  if  they 
had  killed  me  at  this  time.  I  don't  hardly  feel  I 
am  to  blame.  I  know  I  am  to  blame  for  killing 
the  old  woman.     I  began  to  feel  I  was  to  blame 


PURE   MURDER.  201 

after  I  came  to  this  institution.  I  never  read  books 
about  murder,  I  could  not  say  how  I  got  the  idea, 
it  simply  comes  to  me. 

Q.  Did  you  try  to  kill  yourself  once  ? 

A.  I  went  into  the  rag-room  Where  there"  was  a 
closet  in  which  I  Irnew  "there*  was  a  w-hdow-oord  ; 
but  the  closet  Wa's  locked.  My  mother  was'  dezid, 
I  did  not  want  to  live,  I  bad  no  friends.  I  took  a 
black  linen  thread  and' tHed  to/. hang 'myself  ;  it 
only  cut  ray 'leek.  I  took  a  yarn  and' tied  it  ardand 
my  finger  till  it  was  black  in  order  to.  get  Wt  *of 
work.     I  did  not  like*  th'e  V/o^k:   *   V>,^  *     " 

Q.  What  did  you  do  after  your  trial  ? 

A.  I  was  in  jail  six  months. 

Q.  What  did  you  do  in  jail  ? 

A.  I  used  to  sing  to  them  to  amuse  them. 

Q.  What  did  they  do  ? 

A.  They  used  to  play  cards. 

Q.  Did  you  play  cards? 

A.  No,  it  is  wrong  to  play  cards ;  for  I  do  not 
want  to  become  a  gambler. 

Q.  Where  did  you  learn  that? 

A.  At  one  of  the  places  I  was  at. 

A  physiological  examination  (by  the  physician  of 
institution):  Vegetative  functions,  normal;  cir- 
culation, normal ;  respiration,  20;  digestion,  good; 
anomalies,  none;  pulse,  80;  girth  of  thorax,  724 — 
787  mm.;  girth  of  waist,  660  mm.;  girth  of  thigh, 
444  mm.;  girth  of  calf  of  leg,  317  mm.;  weight, 
109  lbs.  (49.44  kilos.);  physical  anomalies,  none. 

,  M.  D. 


202  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Craniological  measurements  are  :  Width  of  head, 
128  mm.;  length  from  glabella  to  occipital 
protuberance,  190  mm.;  maximum  length  of  head, 
190  mm.;  width  above  tragus,  134  mm.;  width  be- 
tween zygomatic  arch e^,  127  mm.;  width  between 
external  x^dges  of  .orbits,  96 -mm.';  .distance  between 
ou$er  conkers  of  eyes,  90  mm.;  'distance  between 
inner  corners  of  eyes,  32  mm.,  .-width  between  prot. 
malaria,  iigi/ro^.pw'idtk  ;b£tween  gonia,  96  mm.; 
distance  from  chin  to  hair,  158  mm.;«distance  from 
chin  •fcoLr'QOt  pf  nose,  108  mm*,;  distance  from  chin 
to  bascof  1  r)ase«,  66 -mini;, distance  from  chin  to 
mouth,  50  mm.;* distance  ffom  chin  to  tragus,  95 
mm.;  distance  from  tragus  to  root  of  nose,  97  mm.; 
length  of  ear,  61  mm.;  length  of  nose,  47  mm.; 
elevation  of  nose,  49  mm.;  width  of  nose,  31  mm.; 
width  of  mouth,  42  mm.;  thickness  of  lips,  15  mm.; 
horizontal  circumference  of  head,  540  mm.;  ver- 
tical circumference  of  head,  349  mm.;  sagittal  cir- 
cumference of  head,  368  mm.;  angle  of  profile,  60 
mm.  Color  of  eye,  gray;  color  of  hair,  light. 
There  was  an  observed  flatness  to  the  eyelids. 

Conclusion. 

"A"  is  a  case  of  pure  murder  ;  his  anomaly  or 
abnormality  consists  in  a  lack  of  repulsion  to 
taking  life.  He  is  no  coward,  nor  wanting  in  will 
power ;  his  intelligence  is  above  the  average,  yet 
he  is  at  times  stubborn  and  lazy  and  mean, 
although  he  may  be  partly  unconscious  of  this 
latter  element.  He  acts  oddly  at  times.  His  idea 
of  justice  seemed  to  be  "  getting  even  "  with  every- 


PURE    MURDER.  203 

one.  He  is  unaware  of  how  his  want  of  repulsion 
to  killing  appears  to  others.  Many  boys  neglect 
their  work  and  are  whipped,  but  they  do  not  kill 
cows  and  horses  to  "  get  even."  The  dizziness  of 
"  A  "  might  suggest  epilepsy,  but  the  fact  that  he  is 
never  unconscious  and  remembers  everything  is 
against  such  a  theory.  Spells  of  anger,  where 
self-control  is  lost,  are  not  uncommon,  and  one  will 
strike  with  the  hand  or  throw  something,  but  sel- 
dom go  further,  unless  there  is  a  radical  defect 
somewhere.  Given  a  boy  who  becomes  angry 
easily,  losing  self-control,  who  at  the  same  time 
lacks  repulsion  to  taking  life,  and  whose  surround- 
ings have  been  favorable  to  bring  this  element  out, 
and  the  case  of  "  A  "  is  a  clear  one.  That  such  a 
boy  is  dangerous  is  self-evident.  Considering  his 
early  and  evil  surroundings  it  is  questionable  how 
far  he  is  to  blame  for  his  murderous  acts.  It  is 
doubtful,  if  he  should  be  allowed  to  be  free  in  the 
community,  even  under  the  most  favorable  condi- 
tions, for  his  training  has  been  such  that  he  is 
angered  very  easily.  To  speak  to  him  cross  or  to 
punish  him  is  probably  the  worst  thing  that  can 
be  done.  He  may  out-grow  this  murderous  ten- 
dency by  experience  in  the  community  ;  but  can 
the  community  afford,  or  has  it  the  right  to  make, 
such  experiments  as  expose  its  members  to 
danger  ? 
"  A  "  was  at  large  when  last  heard  of. 


CHAPTER  II. 

PURE   THEFT. 

Theft  is  the  most  common  crime,  and  the  most 
difficult  to  correct. 

The  spirit  that  predominates  in  actual  life  is  the 
utilitarian,  and  the  strongest  form  of  this  is  the 
commercial  impulse,  or  the  love  of  possession. 
The  wide  extent  of  this  sentiment  naturally  ex- 
poses it  more  to  infringement  ;  and  this  is  one  of 
the  chief  reasons,  perhaps,  why  theft  is  the  most 
common  crime.  But  the  habit  of  theft,  unlike  most 
crimes,  is  generally  acquired  very  gradually,  and  for 
this  reason  it  is  the  most  developed  and  the  most 
persistent  form  of  crime.  A  thief  is  almost  always 
incorrigible,  for  he  is  continually  exposed  to 
temptation  except  in  prison,  and  even  ther°,  he 
will  keep  up  his  habit.  The  thief  is  almost  always 
a  liar,  because  this  is  the  easiest  and  most  practical 
method  of  defense.  He  is  generally  liberal  by 
nature,  especially  with  the  money  of  others,  and 
for  this  reason  is  always  popular  with  fast  women. 
The  general  idea  that  thieving  is  taking  what 
does  not  belong  to  us,  is  a  good  definition. 

As  cases  of  habitual  or  pure  thieving,  we  give  the 
following: 


PURE   THEFT.  205 

CASE     "B."      HISTORY — FROM     RECORDS    OF    INSTITU- 
TION. 

Received  July  25,  1887;  offense,  petit  larceny, 
age,  n ;  eyes,  brown;  clothing  fair;  resides  with 
parents;  never  in  the  almshouse;  at  police  court  of 

on   complaint   of  ;    weight,  34   kilos  ; 

height,  1,371  mm.,  hair,  brown;  education,  2d 
Reader;  previous  arrests,  two  or  three  for  stealing 
and  staying  out;  never  in  orphan  asylum,  but  in  re- 
form school;  three  months  ago  was  in  Catholic  pro- 
tectory and  assigned  to  knitting  department  1st 
division.  Parents:  father,  intemperate,  dock-labor- 
er; he  does  not  know  whether  any  of  them  were 
arrested;  no  step-father  or  step-mother;  father, 
Irish  Catholic;  family  consisting  of  two  boys  and 
two  girls. 

June  20,  1889,  height,  1,428  mm.;  in  chest, 
723  mm.  April  2,  1890,  he  was  intrusted  to  the 
care  of  his  mother.  June  21,  1890,  recommitted 
by  police  court  for  petit  larceny.  Weight,  41  kilos; 
height,  1,485  mm.;  clothes,  good. 

Complaints. 

1888 — May  14:  Leaving  the  line  while  returning 
from  chapel  last  Sunday  morning;  not  going  on 
the  yard  (pleads  guilty,  case  held  open). 

May  21:  Running  around  the  yard  with  two 
others,  shouting  and  making  all  the  noise  they 
could;  would  not  come  when  called;  refused  to  go 
on  parade;  kept  running  until  I  caught  and  locked 
them  up.     (Sunday,  pleads  guilty.) 


206  CRIMINOLOGY. 

May  22,  by  Watchman:  Disorderly  in  the  yard, 
kicking  stones  up  against  the  shop  windows  while 
on  parade  (punished  with  a  strap  5  blows,  1  week, 
pleads  guilty). 

May  23:  In  company  with  other  boys  entered 
knitting  shop;  machines  tampered  with;  a  few 
articles  were  missing  (5  to  10  strokes  with  a  strap, 
8  weeks). ' 

May  31:  Throwing  his  window-frame  out  of  the 
door;  spoken  to  many  times  about  being  disorderly 
(5  blows  with  a  strap,  1  week,  pleads  guilty). 

July  4:  Disorderly  in  sleeping-hall  while  he  sup- 
posed I  was  absent  (1  week).1 

July  15:  Loud  and  disorderly  after  whistle  was 
blown  for  parade;  crowding  where  there  was  no 
room  for  him,  and  when  asked  to  go  to  another 
place  did  not  do  it  until  I  insisted  on  it,  then  he  was 
very  insolent;  also  fought  with  another  boy 
(pleads  guilty). 

July  16:  Disorderly  in  wash-room  and  training- 
room  almost  every  day  (5  blows  with  strap). 

July  21 :  Leaving  dormitory  and  going  to  others; 
also  generally  disorderly;  impossible  to  keep  him 
in  his  dormitory  (pleads  guilty). 

July  26:  Talking  in  dining-room  in  defiance  of 
repeated  orders  (1  week). 

Aug.  5:  Talking  in  dining-room;  admits  it,  says 
he  was  asking  a  boy  for  some  water.  (Admon- 
ished to  be  more  careful.) 

Aug.  28:  Taking  the  plate  of  hash,  and  refusing 


1  Added  to  time  of  stay  in  institution. 


PURE   THEFT.  207 

the  rest  of  the  boys  to  have  any;  would  not  stand 
up  (1  week). 

Sept.  6:  Disorderly  on  parade;  scuffling  on  the 
bench  in  the  yard. 

Sept.  17:  Burglarizing  with  another  boy  while 
on  parade. 

Sept.  18:  Kicking  another  boy  (excused  with 
reprimand). 

Sept.  19:  Throwing  a  hat  about  the  sleeping-hall 
and  lying  about  it  (reprimanded). 

Sept.  19:  Talking  at  the  table  and  giving  impu- 
dence. 

Sept.  21:  Swearing  in  the  yard,  when  in  the 
scrubbing  gang. 

Oct.  4:  Disorderly  in  the  hall,  threw  water  on 
another  boy. 

Oct.  10:  Disorderly  in  the  hall  (reprimanded). 

Oct.  15:  Disorder  and  rankest  impudence  (rep- 
rimanded). 

Oct.  17:  Out  of  his  dormitory  (locked  up). 

Oct.  31:  Throwing  soap  in  lavatory;  denies  the 
charge. 

Nov.  5:  Making  remarks  and  using  gestures 
while  the  girls  were  passing  through  the  yard  (one 
week). 

Nov.  13:  Talking  at  supper-table  (one  week). 

Nov.  22:  Talking  on  parade  in  lavatory  (one 
week). 

Nov.  25:  Rank  impudence  and  insubordination; 
demanded  a  ticket  to  hospital  in  impudent  man- 
ner, he  was  told  to  wait  and  see  Mr.  K.,  was  very 
impudent  (punished  with  strap  ;  one  week). 


30*  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Dec.  15:  Talking  in  school-room,  after  cautioned 
to  stop  kept  talking  (one  week). 

Dec.  18.  Not  obeying  the  whistle;  loud  and 
noisy,  disorderly  generally  (punished  with  strap; 
one  week). 

Dec.  20:  Making  water  out  of  the  window  at 
6.30  a.  m.;  let  him  off  once  before;  did  not  go  to 
closet  at  all  (one  week). 

Dec.  29:  Going  to  bed  with  his  clothes  and 
stockings  on,  which  I  had  forbidden;  admits  it 
(one  week).  (In  an  interview  he  said  he  was  cold 
and  so  kept  dressed.) 

1889 — Jan.  9:  Talking  on  parade  in  lavatory;  ad- 
mits (two  weeks). 

Jan.  15:  Stealing  a  pair  of  2d  badge  pants  from 
boy  "  S."  (four  weeks). 

Jan.  16:  Going  to  bed  with  clothes  on;  admits 
(two  weeks). 

Jan.  22:  Inattention  on  parade  (reprimanded). 

Jan.  23:  School-room  offense  (eight  weeks). 

Jan.  29:  Tearing  blankets  in  dormitory. 

Feb.  1:  School-room  offense  (one  week). 

Feb.  11:  Using  vulgarity  in  W.  C.  to  another 
boy  (reprimanded). 

Feb.  16:  Stealing  books  from  Mr.  L.'s  school- 
room (punished  with  strap). 

March  30:  Throwing  bread  at  dining-room  table; 
admits  (punished  with  a  strap). 

April  12:  Disorderly  in  W.  C. 

April  16:  Fooling  with  another  boy  (held  open). 

April  22:  Does  not  scrub  clean. 

April  28-29:  Having  four  keys  in  his  pocket  and 


PURE    THEFT.  209 

tobacco;  one  key  fitting  drawer  In  an  officer's 
room,  which  has  been  opened  several  times  and 
articles  taken  out  (punished  with  strap). 

May  2:  Out  of  order  on  all  parades;  extremely 
impudent  to  company  commander. 

May  22:  Leaving  his  work  without  permission; 
comes  into  the  hospital  dining-room  (repri- 
manded). 

May  31:  Disorderly  in  ranks,  when  boys  were 
marching  to  dormitory,  getting  out  of  his  place, 
and  insolent  when  spoken  to  about  it  (held  open). 

June  17:  Not  scrubbing  clean;  admits  it  (held 
open). 

June  25:  Disorder  on  parade  when  marching  to 
school,  fooling  with  a  ball  (two  weeks). 

June  26:  Stealing  money  and  food  from  paint- 
ers in  shop  (punished  with  strap). 

June  27:  Going  into  boys'  dormitory  for  plun- 
der; got  under  the  bed;  I  told  him  to  come  out, 
and  he  would  not  do  so.  Admits,  except  plunder 
(three  weeks). 

Oct.  5:  Hanging  about  in  the  hall  court  intend- 
ing to  steal;  he  repeated  this  after  I  had  driven 
him  out;  he  ran  through  the  South  house  to  escape, 
when  detected  second  time  (held  open). 

Oct.  22:  School  disorder  (held  open). 

Oct.  24:  In  bathroom  without  permission;  ad- 
mits (held  open). 

1890 — Jan.  23:  Going  into  "B.'s"  dormitory;  ad- 
mits (held  open). 

Jan.  30:  Going  to  bed  with  his  trousers  on,  I  put 
him  on  the  floor  and  he  was  very  impudent  and 
14 


2IO  CRIMINOLOGY. 

abusive  and  positively  refused  to  do  what  I  told 
him ;  admits  it  (under  lock  and  key  for  one 
weeK). 

Feb.  28:  Very  disorderly  in  his  dormitory,  whis- 
tling through  his  hands. 

Aug.  29:  Talking  at  the  table  and  disorderly 
and  impudent. 

Sept.  2:  Disorderly;  talking  at  the  table. 

Sept.  26:  Refused  to  go  to  the  superintendent 
when  requested;  throwing  a  chair  at  the  officer  and 
calling  him  a  g d liar. 

Sept.  27:  Detected  in  taking  putty  off  of  some 
freshly  glazed  windows. 

1891 — Jan.  12:  Impudent  to  an  officer;  telling 
him  to  shut  up  and  get  out. 

He  escaped  by  scaling  the  wall  and  was  recap- 
tured; he  gave  his  guard  the  slip  at  the  depot, 
but  was  captured  again.  He  was  placed  in  con- 
finement, but  succeeded  in  getting  out;  search  high 
and  low  was  made  for  him  until  he  was  found  by 
one  of  the  other  inmates  in  the  top  of  a  tree  late 
in  the  evening.  After  attempting  to  escape  day 
after  day  he  was  finally  transferred  to  the  peni- 
tentiary. 

Testimony  of  Officers. 

Yardman:  "  '  B  '  is  a  good  boy;  gets  along  with 
me  very  well.  I  let  him  wear  a  tie  of  mine  one 
Sunday  for  being  a  good  boy.  I  have  to  trust  the 
boys  a  great  deal;  '  B'  has  not  stolen  but  a  few 
things;  he  does  not  feel  like  taking  from  me." 

Hallman:  "  He  gets  into  a  room  and  steals  with- 


PURE    THEFT.  211 

out  anyone  seeing  him;  I  seldom  see  him  steal;  he 
is  a  good  boy  to  work;  when  bad,  he  wants  to  go 
here  and  there,  he  won't  stay  at  his  work,  roves 
around;  he  has  been  under  me  six  or  eight  months; 
he  disobeyed  at  first,  but  afterwards  with  a  little 
pressure  he  would  mind  better;  he  likes  to  fight. 
I  never  saw  him  cry;  he  learns  quickly;  I  saw  him 
stealing  beans  and  caught  him." 

A  Teacher:  "  I  had  him  one  or  two  weeks;  he 
was  very  lazy,  tried  to  get  out  of  his  work  the  best 
he  could;  talked  to  the  boys  in  school  a  great  deal, 
did  not  talk  back  very  much.  He  got  into  my 
desk  and  took  some  lead  pencils." 

Another  Teacher:  "  He  is  a  little  villain;  does 
not  bother  me  much  more  than  the  other  boys  at 
table;  a  vicious  kind  of  a  boy;  he  turned  upon  me 
one  time,  he  would  not  stop  his  talking;  he  kept 
muttering;  I  took  him  by  the  collar,  and  he  kicked 
me  when  I  took  him  out,  I  had  hold  of  him  with 
one  hand." 

Another  Officer:  "  He  was  under  me,  but  never 
gave  me  any  trouble,  never  stole  anything  from 
me. 

A  Teacher:  "  He  wrote  a  note  to  another  boy 
about  his  teacher,  and  signed  a  boy's  name  whom 
the  teacher  liked  very  much.  He  tries  to  steal 
something  almost  every  day;  I  always  find  some- 
thing in  his  pockets  that  he  has  stolen." 

A  Teacher:  "  He  has  tried  my  patience  very 
much;  he  is  bright  and  peculiar;  very  stubborn  and 
self-willed,  and  inclined  to  take  anything  in  his 
reach;  he   never   broke   into   my  desk;   he  would 


212  CRIMINOLOGY. 

take  things  from  the  boys  and  lie  about  it;  he  is 
disagreeable,  he  lies,  is  sulky,  no  matter  how  you 
treat  him;  he  is  a  fighter;  he  is  perfectly  lawless, 
one  of  the  worst  boys  I  had;  he  never  struck  any 
boy,  he  is  quiet  at  times,  never  saw  him  cry.  I  have 
seen  him  very  angry;  his  face  becomes  red;  he  is 
a  good  scholar.  Since  his  return  his  conduct  is 
better  the  three  days  he  has  been  under  me;  he 
has  been  absent  three  or  four  weeks;  he  won't 
talk  much;  he  is  a  bright-appearing  boy,  but  he  is 
stubborn  and  is  a  daring  fellow." 

Watchman:  "  His  behavior  is  generally  bad  most 
of  the  time,  running  out  of  his  dormitory  and 
throwing  things  around  the  yard  and  hallooing; 
he  is  impudent  and  saucy;  I  do  not  suspect  he  has 
bad  habits;  he  uses  vulgarity  with  the  other  boys; 
he  steals  from  the  other  boys;  he  has  admitted  it.  I 
have  seen  him  punished  and  then  he  cried;  never 
saw  him  cry  except  this  time;  he  has  the  wildest 
look  when  he  does  cry.  I  have  seen  him  hit  other 
boys  with  his  hand;  most  of  the  boys  do  not  hit 
one  another;  he  is  not  a  coward;  some  boys  are 
afraid  of  him,  but  he  is  not  afraid  of  a  boy,  no  mat- 
ter how  big  he  is.  He  was  under  me  about  a  year 
and  a  half;  he  got  into  bed  with  his  clothes  on,  be- 
cause sometimes  they  have  to  wait  a  half  an  hour 
before  they  go  to  water-closet;  he  had  more  bed 
clothes  than  the  other  boys,  or  he  would  have 
stolen  from  the  other  boys'  beds.  He  appears  to 
have  some  control  over  the  other  boys;  the  boys 
do  not  hate  him;  he  gets  angry,  and  they  like  to 
see  him  angry,  but  he  fights  them.     He  got  into 


PURE   THEFT.  213 

one  of  the  officers'  rooms,  cut  open  a  satchel,  and 
took  out  some  things,  but  not  everything." 

Teacher  in  Painting  and  Graining:  "  I  never 
saw  him  take  anything;  he  has  admitted  every- 
thing I  have  accused  him  of,  at  first  he  would  say 
nothing;  afterwards  he  would  admit  it;  his  actions 
were  off-handed,  he  did  not  want  to  say  anything 
then;  everything  that  had  been  taken  was  at- 
tributed to  him;  he  hates  to  have  anyone  question 
him.  When  I  talked  to  him  he  cried,  probably  be- 
cause he  did  not  want  to  leave  the  shop.  He  has 
been  under  me  about  eight  months;  he  will  make 
a  good  workman,  is  very  accurate  in  mixing  col- 
ors; has  good  taste;  decided  in  his  answers  after 
he  knows  a  thing;  he  doesn't  talk  much;  he  thinks 
he  knows  all  about  badness  and  malignity;  he  has 
improved  in  his  work;  if  he  is  going  to  deny  a 
thing  he  would  do  it  at  once;  he  never  stole  a 
thing  from  me,  although  it  was  easy  for  him;  he 
never  tried  to  escape." 

Military  Instructor:  "  *  B '  is  a  good  soldier  by 
nature,  and  a  bad  soldier,  because  indifferent;  has 
no  enthusiasm  for  anything.  I  have  punished  him 
two  or  three  times.  He  has  more  nerve  and  pluck 
than  any  other  boy  I  ever  saw;  thought  of  punish- 
ment has  no  effect  on  him;  he  takes  it  indiffer- 
ently; but  the  last  time  I  gave  him  seven  blows, 

and  he  said,  •  O,  Mr. let  me  go,  and   I  won't 

do  it  again ';  he  denied  it  up  and  down  the  first 
and  second  stroke;  the  fifth  or  sixth  time  he  ad- 
mitted his  guilt.  After  this  I  made  him  promise 
me  not  to  steal  for  a  straight  month,  and  he  ac- 


214  CRIMINOLOGY. 

complished  it,  and  was  taken  out  of  the  scrubbing 
gang;  he  has  an  indomitable  will  and  enthusiasm 
if  you  can  get  at  him  in  the  right  way.  I  have 
never  had  any  other  particular  trouble  with  him ; 
he  has  not  been  impudent  to  me.  I  have  known 
him  to  take  a  whipping  in  order  to  shield  another 
boy;  he  never  tells  on  other  boys.  He  is  a  boy 
who  would  sacrifice  to  do  you  a  favor," 

Chaplain:  "  He  is  not  religious  by  nature;  his 
moral  sense  seems  to  be  dead;  he  is  well  behaved 
in  chapel;  he  gives  his  name  regularly  for  con- 
fession, which  is  voluntary;  he  was  in  the  class 
preparing  himself  for  his  first  communion  depriv- 
ing himself  of  spare  time  for  two  days  in  the  week 
for  three  or  four  months;  in  the  meantime  he  pre- 
pared his  catechism  lessons;  while  with  me  he  was 
very  correct,  but  would  steal  when  away;  he  is  not 
very  talkative  even  when  locked  up.  He  began  to 
cry  when  I  said  •  My  little  fellow';  he  cried  the  time 
I  separated  the  candidates;  he  tried  his  best;  he 
studied  his  catechism  earnestly,  got.  a  boy  to  help 
him  as  he  could  not  read  well;  it  was  a  great  dis- 
appointment to  him  not  to  succeed;  there  is  no 
question  about  his  sincerity  in  this." 

Superintendent:  "  I  have  whipped  him  four  or 
five  times;  he  generally  denies  the  charge  at  first. 
I  never  punish  a  boy  until  he  admits  the  charge;  I 
give  him  a  few  days  to  think  it  over;  he  has  asked 
me  to  whip  him  instead  of  locking  him  up;  after 
thinking  it  over  a  day  or  two  he  generally  admits 
the  charge;  during  whipping  he  acts  very  sour,  he 
will  always  cry,  which  is  from  anger  I  think,  be- 


PURE    THEFT.  215 

cause  afterwards  he  would  act  sorry  or  surly.  I 
have  given  up  punishing  him  with  a  strap;  it  is  no 
use.  After  he  broke  into  the  officer's  room,  he  de- 
nied it  for  six  days,  and  cried  and  was  fighting 
mad;  when  mad,  he  shakes  his  head  in  a  threaten- 
ing sort  of  way.  I  caught  him  running  around, 
and  called  him  up  to  the  office  and  searched  him, 
and  found  on  him  some  bronze  that  Mr.  D.  had; 
Mr.  D.  was  called  to  see  it,  and  '  B '  said  '  I  hope 
you  don't  think  I  took  this  bronze  ';  and  he  stood 
and  cried  as  if  accused  falsely;  one  night  he  stayed 
out,  he  gave  no  reason  for  it  (when  a  man  is  miss- 
ing it  may  keep  the  officers  up  all  night);  he  stole 
something  this  night;  he  said  he  did  not  want  to 
escape,  which  is  probably  true." 

Interview  with  "£." 

"  B  "  is  not  talkative.  He  was  gradually  drawn 
into  a  conversation.     He  says: 

"  I  am  fifteen  years  of  age.  When  about  five  I 
went  to  The  Sisters  School,  I  had  stole  some  liq- 
uorice, and  five  weeks  after  was  arrested  by  the  de- 
tectives.    I  once  caught  a  ride  to  Cleveland  simply 

to  take  a  ride,  and  stole  a  ride  back;  went  to 

to  ride  on  the  water  for  that  day:  paid  15  cents 
for  passage  I  went  to  the  public  schools.  They 
used  to  whip  me  at  the  Catholic  school  for  talk- 
ing My  father  whipped  me  for  staying  out  late. 
Father  does  not  drink,  my  mother  did  not  treat  me 
badly.  As  complained  of  by  watchmen  here,  I  did 
look  around,  but  I  do  not  know  why  I  like  to  look 
around.   I  like  school  and  paint-shop  here.     I  steal 


2l6  CRIMINOLOGY. 

because  when  I  see  a  thing  I  want  I  like  to  get  it.  I 
am  more  apt  to  get  ten  dollars  in  here  than  outside. 
I  went  to  bed  with  my  clothes  on  because  it  was 
cold.  I  chew  tobacco,  I  like  it  (cried  and  sobbed); 
they  whip  me  here,  I  deserve  it,  but  it  did  not  do 
me  any  good,  because  he  (superintendent)  did  not 
whip  me  hard  enough;  my  father  whips  me  hard- 
er and  hurts  me  more,  he  whips  me  with  a  strap. 
They  cannot  make  me  do  a  thing  unless  I  want  to 
do  a  thing  by  whipping  me,  and  so  whipping  me 
harder  does  me  no  good.  I  am  going  to  do  as 
well  as  I  can  here  (cried  again).  I  have  a  brother 
older  than  I;  he  never  was  arrested,  he  is  better 
than  I  because  he  did  not  want  to  do  bad  things. 
I  went  into  officer's  room  to  get  some  tobacco — I 
got  a  cigar;  not  for  to  get  into  the  room,  but  for 
to  chew.  After  I  get  out  of  here  I  would  like  to  go 
to  work.  I  don't  remember  making  jests  at  girls; 
I  have  a  good  memory.  At  home  I  used  to  come 
in  at  nine  or  ten  o'clock  at  night,  I  would  go  out 
at  six  or  seven  in  the  morning.  I  would  stay  out 
in  our  shed;  I  did  not  go  in  the  house  because  I 
was  afraid  of  being  whipped.  Three  times  (doubt- 
ful) were  all  I  ever  stayed  out  for  fear  of  being 
whipped.  I  never  stole  anything  but  candy  (doubt- 
ful). It  is  about  the  same  to  get  along  here  as 
outside.  When  in  Cleveland  I  slept  in  a  car  during 
the  summer.  No  man  ever  hit  me  very  hard.  I 
often  feel  good,  certainly  I  do." 

Physical  Examination  :  Vegetative  functions,  nor- 
mal;    circulation,    good;    respiration,  16;    diges- 


PURE    THEFT.  217 

tion,  perfect;  anomalies,  same;  girth  of  thorax,  27^ 
to  30  inches;  girth  of  waist  25^  inches;  girth  of 
thigh,  i6)4  inches;  girth  of  calf  of  leg,  nj£  inches; 
weight,  89  lbs. 

,  Physician  of  Institution. 

Craniological  Examination :  Width  of  head,  152 
mm.;  length  from  glabella  to  occ.  protuberance, 
173  mm.;  maximum  length  of  head,  173  mm.; 
width  above  tragus,  142  mm.;  width  between  zyg. 
arches,  128  mm.;  width  between  external  edges  of 
orbits,  no  mm.;  distance  between  outer  corners  of 
eyes,  91  mm.;  distance  between  inner  corners  of 
eyes,  34  mm.;  width  of  prot.  malaria,  98  mm.; 
width  of  gonia,  95  mm.;  distance  from  chin  to  hair, 
145  mm.;  distance  from  chin  to  root  of  nose, 
99  mm.;  distance  from  chin  to  base  of  nose,  61  mm.; 
distance  from  chin  to  mouth,  43  mm.;  distance 
from  chin  to  tragus,  113  mm.;  distance  from 
tragus  to  root  of  nose,  101  mm.;  length  of  ear, 
64  mm.;  length  of  nose,  46  mm  ;  height  of  nose, 
38  mm.;  elevation  of  nose,  13  mm.;  width  of  nose, 
29  mm.;  width  of  mouth,  42  mm.;  thickness  of  lips, 
17  mm.;  horizontal  circumference  of  head,  533 
mm.;  vertical  circumference  of  head,  330  mm.; 
sagittal  circumference  of  the  head,  304  mm.; 
nationality,  Irish;  nationality  of  father,  Irish; 
nationality  of  mother,  Irish;  occupation,  worked 
in  can  factory;  color  of  eye,  brown;  color  of 
hair,  dark. 

Remarks:  Ears  projected  very  much;  head  is  not 
symmetrical;  right  side  of  head  in  parietal  region 


2l8  CRIMINOLOGY. 

is  considerably  larger  than  left  side;  the  boys  had 
noticed  this;  he  had  trouble  with  fitting  hats;  he 
is  slender  in  form. 

Conclusion. 

"B"  generally  admits  everything  after  he  is 
whipped  or  talked  to;  and  pleads  guilty.  He  is 
dirty  and  indecent  at  times.  Although  not  talk- 
ative, when  aroused  he  is  given  to  swearing  and 
impudence  and  has  manifested  pride  in  his  knowl- 
edge of  evil.  He  is  sincere  in  his  desire  to  be 
religious,  but  his  passion  for  stealing  is  still 
stronger.  He  feels  the  desire  for  things  he  cannot 
have  and  so  steals  them,  and  especially  from  per- 
sons he  does  not  like.  He  has  ability,  power,  and 
tenacity,  but  his  passion  for  stealing  determines 
their  direction.  Hereditary  influences  seem  to  be 
at  the  basis  of  this  stealing,  yet  his  early  surround- 
ings are  adequate  to  account  for  much  of  it.  The 
fact  that  lately  he  has  been  moved  to  the  peniten- 
tiary for  insubordination  would  indicate  that  there 
is  little  hope  of  his  reformation.  He  seemr;  to  be 
a  case  of  what  might  be  called  approximately  pure 
theft.  He  should  never  be  let  out  upon  the  com- 
munity until  there  is  reasonable  certainty  that  he 
will  not  steal;  for,  as  he  grows  stronger,  his  bravery 
and  tenacity  can  make  him  a  very  dangerous  thief 
or  burglar.  There  is  a  possibility  of  his  outgrow- 
ing his  stealing  impulse,  but  little  probability. 

Physically  he  seems  to  be  equal  to,  if  not  supe- 
rior to  the  average  boy,  and  the  anomaly  is  the  lack 
of  symmetry  in  the  posterior  part  of  his  cranium. 


PURE    THEFT.  219 

CASE  "C." — FROM  RECORDS  OF  INSTITUTION. 

Sept.  5,  1885,  "  C  "  was  received  into  a  reforma- 
tory institution  at  the  age  of  20.  His  crime  was 
grand  larceny  in  the  scond  degree. 

Antecedents:  No  insanity,  epilepsy,  nor  dissipation; 
he  had  a  good  common-school  education,  and  had 
been  in  the  high  school.  His  family  were  very 
well  to  do.  His  father  was  a  real-estate  broker 
worth  some  $80,000. 

There  were  no  papers  found  on  "  C."  June  16, 
1886,  it  was  found  that  "  C  "  had  previously  served 
a  term  in  another  institution.  "  C  "  denied  it,  but 
the  superintendent  of  the  other  institution  recog- 
nized his  photograph,  although  there  he  was  under 
another  name.  Owing  to  this,  "  C  "  admitted  he 
had  falsified,  but  still  denied  being  under  an 
assumed  name.  "  C  "  said  he  always  lived  at  home 
till  the  date  of  his  marriage  a  year  ago.  He 
claimed  to  know  only  through  fractions  when  in 
school.     He  said,  as  to  his  work,  that  he  was  a  Hall 

typewriter,  copying  at  $12.00  a  week  with & 

Co.  (This  statement  was  found  to  be  untrue.) 
As  to  religion,  he  had  been  under  ordinary  influ- 
ences, had  joined  the  church  with  a  cousin  and 
wife  as  a  member. 

Physical  condition  was  excellent,  as  was  also  his 
mental  capability.  He  seemed  to  have  no  moral 
susceptibility,  but  is  not  incorrigible;  sensitive- 
ness, 1;  claimed  innocence,  and  denies  that  he 
confessed  in  court.  He  expects  to  inherit  property, 
and  has  no  idea  of  business;  he  was  a  stenographer. 


220  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Conduct  Report. 

1885 — Oct.  10:  Disturbing  library  books,  and 
when  told  of  it  using  insulting  language. 

Oct.  10:  Destroying  the  report  made  against 
him  by  the  librarian;  taking  it  from  Mr.  N.'s  desk. 

Oct.  10:  Neglecting  three  different  times  to  be 
at  count. 

Oct.  1 1 :  Not  at  door  for  count. 

Oct.  12:  Not  at  door  for  count. 

Oct.  13:  Not  at  door  for  count. 

Oct.  13;  Talking  in  shop. 

Oet.  13:  Talking  in  school  continuously. 

Oct.  14:  Talking  to in  shop. 

Oct.  19:  Talking  in  line  to . 

Oct.  29:  Cup  not  inverted;  dirty  cup. 

Oct.  29:  Taking  tools  from  the  shop  to  his  room. 

Nov.  19:  Giving  pictures  to . 

Dec.  3:  Cup  not  in  cupboard. 

Dec.  13:  Out  of  step  in  line. 

Dec.  14:  Throwing  paper  on  gallery  from  room. 

Dec.  16:  Dilatory  in  sending  in  examination 
paper. 

Dec.  17:  Dusty  walls. 

1886 — Jan.  2:  Talking  in  brush-shop  without 
permission. 

Jan.  4:  Bucket  not  in  proper  place. 

Jan.  1 1 :  Bucket  not  in  proper  place. 

Jan.  13:  Bread  in  bucket. 

Jan.  20:  Carelessly  emptying  racks. 

Feb.  n :  Calling  to in  shop. 

Feb.  17:  Carelessly  stenciling  cases. 


PURE    THEFT.  221 

March  3:  Sweeping  dirt  on  door  stone. 

March  n:  Not  at  door  for  count. 

April  21:  Towel  not  in  cupboard. 

June  7:  Doing  poor  work. 

June  10:  Going  from  closet  to  table  and  seating 
himself  without  permission. 

June  21:  Talking  to . 

July  29:  Out  of  step  in  line. 

Aug.  4:  Inattention  in  line. 

Aug.  4:  Lasting  shoe  on  wrong  last. 

Aug.  6:  Poor  work. 

Aug.  12:  Talking  to coming  out  of  dining- 
room. 

Sept.  1:  Laughing  in  line. 

Sept.  13:  Talking  to in  line  while  passing 

through  hall. 

Sept.  15:  Continually  laughing  and  fooling  in  line. 

Oct.  6:  Leaving  cell-door  unlocked  with  man 
in  it. 

Oct.  14.  Sending  a  note  about  work  to in- 
stead of  sending  it  to  foreman. 

Oct.  15:  Talking  to  men  in  rooms  on  gallery. 

Oct.  21:  Communication  by  signs;  laughing  to 
men  in  shop. 

Nov.  7:  Neglect  of  duty,  as  he  went  into  his  room 
to  write  a  letter  and  stayed  25  minutes. 

Nov.  26:  Bucket   contained  bread.     (Canceled.) 

Dec.  2:  Towel  not  on  cupboard.  (When  "  C  " 
was  on  parole,  he  called  on  the  family  of  one  of  the 
inmates  and  told  a  false  story  as  to  boys  contribut- 
ing $1  to  getting  a  play  in  reformatory;  and  "C" 
obtained  a  dollar  in  this  way.) 


222  CRIMINOLOGY. 

1887 — Jan.  3:  Talking  on  way  from  hall. 

Feb.  2:  Threatening  to  report .    (Canceled.) 

March  4:  Failing  in  line  when  coming  off. 

March  24:  Bucket  not  in  proper  place. 

March  26:  Talking  in  shop. 

March  29:  Trying  to  hinder  the  marker  and 
floorman  in  doing  their  work  by  not  trimming  the 
kind  of  screw-bodies  when  asked  to  do  so  by  the 
marker. 

April  4:  Talking  on  line  in  the  shop. 

April  13:  Talking  in  shop. 

April  27:  Poking  another  man  in  the  ribs  out  of 
pure  meanness. 

April  29:  Lying  to  superintendent  about  report 
of  June  27,  1887. 

August  24:  Talking  to  foreman  without  per- 
mission. 

Sept.  2:  Leaving  a  good  brush  in  waste  stock 
to  go  down  fire-hole. 

Sept.  26:  Talking  in  line  while  going  to  bucket- 
yard. 

Oct.  9:  Continuously  and  insolently  chewing 
some  substance  during  service  to-day. 

Nov.  26:  Obtaining  leave  for  purpose  of  improper 
correspondence. 

1888 — Jan.  21:  Corresponding  with  a  discharged 
prisoner,  who  signed  himself  as  brother. 

Jan.  22:  Borrowing  a  magazine. 

Jan.  22:  Erasing  the  name from  magazine, 

and  writing  his  own  name  thereon,  intending  to  de- 
ceive. 

Feb.  29    Good  record. 


PURE   THEFT,  82$ 

March  31:  Good  record. 

April  6:  Negligence  in  reporting  absentees. 

April  18:  Going  through  furnishing  department 
of  brush-shop  into  varnishing-room. 

May  16:  Talking  to  floorman;  no  permit. 

May  26:  Hesitating  to  furnish  blocks  when 
told  to. 

May  28:  Talking  to  foreman;  no  permit. 

June  26:  Sending  note  to  on  ruled  paper. 

July  17:  Talking  to  floorman;  no  permit. 

July  20:  Talking  to  floorman;  no  permit. 

July  ax:  Disturbing  line  by  counting  wrong; 
laughing  and  fooling  in  line. 

Aug.  1:  Talking  to  floorman. 

Aug.  20:  Disturbing  dining-room  by  load  talk- 
ing at  table. 

Sept.  22:  Not  filling  out  report  properly. 

Oct.  10:  Trousers  not  in  cupboard. 

Oct.  26:  Leaving  light  burning  when  going  to 


Dec.  29:  Neglect  of  duty;  signaling  band  to 
cease  playing  before  the  companies  were  in  hall, 
and  marching  his  men  ahead,  causing  the  other 
captains  to  halt. 

1889 — Jan.  9:  Brooms  not  in  cupboard. 

Jan.  12:  Disturbing  hall  by  loud  talking  in  room. 

Jan.  16:  Talking  loud  in  room  at  unreasonable 
times;  disturbing  hall. 

Jan.  20:  Taking  a  book  from  the  library  without 
the  librarian's  permission  or  knowledge. 

May  24:  Using  closet  paper  to  write  to  superin- 
tendent. 


234  CRIMINOLOGY. 

June  n:  Writing  a  personal  note  to  teacher 
contrary  to  rule. 

June  n:  Using  wrong  paper  to  write  note. 

July  7:  Rising  before  signal. 

Aug.  7:  Talking  to in  shop. 

Aug.  15:  Talking  to . 

Sept.:  Record  fair. 

Oct.   10:  Talking    to  without    permission 

while  at  work. 

Oct.  12:  Going  to  support  arms  when  the  com- 
mand to  carry  arms  was  given. 

Nov.  4:  Taking  from  shop  when  not  at  work  a 
newly  tapped  pair  of  1st  grade  shoes,  wearing  the 
same  without  permission. 

Nov.  18:  Dirty  floor. 

Dec.  31:  Reduced  to  3d  grade. 

1890 — Jan.:  3d  grade. 

Feb.  8:  Fully  out  of  ranks. 

Feb.  19:  Wearing  hat  on  side  of  head. 

Feb.  26:  Talking  to . 

Feb.  28:  Gaping  about  the  shop. 

March  31:  Very  good  record. 

April  9:  Inattention  in  drill;  slow  in  manual. 

April  15:  Having  a  piece  of  ivory  soap  in  cup- 
board. 

May  30:  Inattention  in  school. 

June  4:  Inattention  in  drill;  slow  in  manual. 
Superintendent  did  not  whip  "  C,"  because  it  would 
be  punishment,  and  not  reformation. 

July  31:  No  reports. 

Aug.  31:  No  reports. 

Sept.  1:  Promoted  to  upper  1st  grade. 


PURE    THEFT. 


225 


Sept.  24:  Discharged  at  expiration  of  maximum 
term. 

1891 — June  29:  Nothing  new  in  "  C's  "  case;  his 
record  was  perfect  from  July  to  the  date  of  his  re- 
lease Sept.  24,  1890.  He  has  been  heard  from  in- 
directly since  his  release  as  having  the  appearance 
of  one  about  the  streets  of  a  city,  getting  his  liv- 
ing by  his  wits. 


SCHOOL  RECORD. 

V 

C 
3 

>> 
be 
0 
~5 

If 

6 

a 
3 

u 

V 

0 

09 
U 

s 

u 
V 

> 

0   . 
Op 

— 

a 

« 

u 
be 

V 

u 

0 

"3 

J3 

m 

>»be 

be 

a 

u 

V 

Si 

X!  0 

c 

Xm 

.2 

>. 

bS 

u 

V 

>> 

S3 

3 

- 

C5 

•J 

< 

B 

a. 

u 

(A 

c/i 

a, 

H 

1886-87 

81 

86 

74 

94 
97 
96 

97 

88 

90 

94 
86 

62 

1887-88 

8S 

83 
86 

100 

1888-89 

97 

83 

84 

«7 

73 

97 

75 

9o 

83 

«5 

9« 

Total  average. . . 

84 

73 

97 

86 

83 

94 

92 

88 

77 

94 

83 

91 

From  Letters. 

Sept.  16,  1885:  Grand  larceny  in  2d  degree. 

Aug.  31,  1885:  Stealing  two  coats,  one  vest,  and 
one  pair  of  trousers,  value,  $45.00. 

Sept.  16,  1885:  Sentenced. 

Sept.  25,  1885:  Admitted  to  reformatory. 

July  II,  1886:  "C"  wrote  a  letter  to  an  old 
friend  advising  him  to  beware  of  bad  company 
(women),  drinking,  and  doing  anything  to  make 
his  parents  ashamed  of  him;  had  not  written  be- 
fore because  he  was  almost  discouraged. 

April  24,  1887:  Father  wants  "  C "  back  in  his 
business. 


226  CRIMINOLOGY. 

July  23,  1887:  Step-father  talks  about  giving 
"  C  "  a  position. 

Aug.  2,  1887:  "C  "  writes  a  letter  to  his  mother, 
blaming  the  authorities  because  he  was  not  re- 
leased before;  giving  up  hope  of  getting  out  till 
September  16,  1890  (maximum  term),  when  he  will 
be  25;  having  then  served  nearly  seven  years  penal 
servitude;  he  tells  his  mother  he  nevertheless  in- 
tends to  make  his  mark  in  the  world.  He  hopes 
his  mother  will  not  worry;  he  has  seen  500  men 
leave  the  reformatory,  as  reformed,  who  were  no 
more  reformed  than  he.  He  signs  himself  with  his 
false  name,  and  promises  never  to  leave  the  path  of 
duty  here  or  elsewhere. 

Jan.  1,  1888:  Claiming  to  be  unfortunate  and 
misunderstood  and  accused  wrongfully  of  writing 
criminal  letters. 

Jan.  — ,  1888:  Letter  from  superintendent  of 
another  reformatory  in  which  he  was  confined. 
"C  "  was  received  here  September  18,  1882,  from  a 

Court  of  Oyer  and  Terminer  held  in ,  for 

placing  obstructions  on  the  railroad  track.  Age 
15,  April  23,  1883;  his  history  on  the  book  says  he 
was  a  telegraph  boy.  Father  dead;  step-father 
living.  "  C  "  was  released  from  here  February  9, 
1884,  to  the  care  of  his  mother.  I  recognize  him 
in  the  photograph.  This  is  the  boy  who  was  said 
to  be  so  cruelly  treated  by  Mr.  "  X."  during  my  ab- 
sence, and  for  which  he  (Mr.  "  X.")  was  compelled 
to  resign.  He  was  in  same  kind  of  boys'  home  in 
before  he  came  here. 

Jan.  21,   1888:  "  C  "  acknowledges  his  crooked- 


PURE    THEFT  227 

ness,  promising  to  redeem  himself  if  allowed  to 
remain  in  his  grade  one  month  longer;  he  says  he 
has  a  brother,  Will.     (A  lie.) 

Feb.  13,  1889:  Letter  asking  to  be  paroled  two 
days  so  as  to  find  a  position. 

Feb.  15,  1889:  "  C  "  writes  a  letter  seeking  em- 
ployment, claiming  to  be  a  good  laster  of  ladies' 
and  men's  shoes,  knowing  the  trade  thoroughly, 
and  learned  it  previously  to  coming  to  reforma- 
tory; standing  good. 

March  22,  1889:  Paroled. 

May  9,   1889:  Mr.  ,  officer  of   reformatory, 

given  order  for  arrest  of  paroled  prisoner. 

May  12,  1889:  Telegram  from  "  C  "  "I  have 
been  retaken  by  the  State  authorities  for  leaving 

Mr. .     Please  telegraph  the  superintendent  the 

circumstances  before  it  is  too  late.  We  don't  ar- 
rive till  1.30  a.  m.  to-morrow."    .     (Signed  his 

true  name.) 

May  15,   1889:  "C"  has  never  claimed  he  was 

employed  in  ;  did  give  conditional  consent. 

(This  is  from  a  letter  of  a  kindly  disposed  gentle- 
man, who  took  an  interest  in  him.) 

May  20,  1889:  "  C "  writes:  "Gone  to  be  em- 
ployed by as  reporter.  In  my  former  employ- 
ment I  was  kept  idle  three-fourths  of  the  time  for 
want  of  work;  he  did  not  advance  me  as  he  said 
he  would  when  I  entered  his  employ.  He  prom- 
ised to  keep  me  on  lasting  machines.  Instead  of 
that,  he  put  me  on  all  sorts  of  jobs.  I  told  the  fore- 
man I  could  not  well  work  for  the  wages  I  was 
getting,   $8  per  week.     He  answered  that  I  was 


2  28  CRIMINOLOGY. 

probably  getting  as  much  as  I  would  receive  for  a 
long  time,  until  I  got  into  better  standing." 

May  20,  1889:  Letter  from  an  interested  gentle- 
man: "C"   left   Mr.   in   a  mean  way,  then 

forged  a  check  of  $587;  I  found  a  piece  of  paper 
in  his  drawer,  where  he  had  practiced  the  name. 
I  also  accused  him  of  knowing  where  a  missing 
watch  was. 

May,  1889:  Foreman  says  he  left  his  employ- 
ment shamefully,  leaving  a  letter  saying  he  was 
going  to  work  on  some  paper. 

June  4,  1889:  Letter.  The  following  is  a  copy 
of  a  check,  signature,  and  indorsement  forged  by 
"  C "  while  he  was  on  parole.  He  forged  the 
check  and  gave  it  to  a  restaurant-keeper;  this  gen- 
tleman presented  it  at  the  bank,  and  it  was  re- 
turned as  worthless. 

Check. 
No.  I2g.  ,  May  u,  i88g. 

(^ommjesjcial  Igaitfc, 


Street. 


Pay  to  <S.  3C.  of- ,   teat**,   fS.m/w,  &ive  xDof- 

&H&  and  SiaA£tf-»even  (9enfo. 

J.'Vioo.  Signed  {another  false  name). 


/^^j=^_t=w=i->=wm-i^-igi.j=ij=ui=x-iatj=ui==tj=ij=y=^=s<-i 


March  2, 1890:  Letter  to  Superintendent.  As  you 
have  put  me  in  a  higher  grade  it  would  seemingly 
go  to  show  that  you  haven't  even  yet  given  up  all 
hope  of  accomplishing  my  reformation,  though 
you  have  declared  me  incorrigible.  If  this  is  true, 
wouldn't  it  have  been  better  to  have  left  me  in  the 


PURE    THEFT.  229 

3d  grade  ?  "  C  "  has  now  been  in  the  reformatory 
nearly  five  years. 

Craniology :  April  23,  1890:  "C"  was  23  years 
of  age:  Width  of  head,  152  mm.;  length  from  gla- 
bella to  occ.  prot.,  191  mm.,  maximum  length  of 
head,  191  mm.;  width  of  tragus,  139,  mm.;  width  be- 
tween zyg.  arches,  130,  mm.;  width  between  exter- 
nal edges  of  orbits,  115  mm.;  distance  between 
outer  corners  of  eyes,  91  mm.;  distance  between 
inner  corners  of  eyes,  30  mm.;  width  of  gonia,  96 
mm.;  distance  from  chin  to  hair,  179mm.;  distance 
from  chin  to  root  of  nose,  108  mm.;  distance  from 
chin  to  base  of  nose,  61  mm.;  distance  from  chin 
to  mouth,  42  mm.;  distance  from  chin  to  tragus, 
141  mm.;  distance  from  tragus  to  root  of  nose,  117 
mm.;  length  of  ear,  60  mm.;  length  of  nose,  55 
mm.;  height  of  nose,  47  mm.;  elevation  of  nose,  26 
mm.;  width  of  nose,  32  mm.;  width  of  mouth,  52 
mm.;  thickness  of  lips,  17  mm.;  horizontal  circum- 
ference of  head,  570  mm.;  vertical  circumference 
of  head,  360  mm.;  sagittal  circumference  of  head, 
360  mm.;  nationality,  American;  father  and  mother, 
American. 

Physical  Examination  {by  Physician  of  Institu- 
tion): Occupation,  typewriter;  born  April  23,  1867, 
father  and  mother  American;  father's  occupation, 
merchant;  father  died  of  cerebral  apoplexy;  mother 
living;  "C"  most  resembles  father,  his  general 
health  good,  has  had  jaundice  and  skin  eruptions; 
age>  23  years;  weight,  55.5  kilos.;  height  standing, 
1,692  mm.;  height  sitting,  918  mm.;  height  knee, 
425  mm.;   height  pubes,  812    mm.;   height   navel, 


«30  CRIMINOLOGY. 

993  mm.;  height  sternum,  1,365  mm.;  girth  neck, 
830  mm.;  girth  chest,  830  mm.;  girth  chest,  full, 
878  mm.;  girth  knee,  right,  348  mm.;  girth  knee, 
left,  348  mm.;  girth  calf,  right,  331  mm.;  girth 
calf,  left,  328  mm.;  girth  ankle,  right,  210  mm.; 
girth  ankle,  left,  210  mm.;  girth  instep,  right,  238 
mm.;  girth  instep,  left,  238  mm.;  girth  up.  arm, 
right,  280  mm.;  girth  up.  arm,  left,  281  mm.;  girth 
elbow,  right,  252  mm.;  girth  elbow,  left,  253  mm.; 
girth  ninth  rib,  775  mm.;  girth  ninth  rib,  full, 
834  mm.;  girth  waist,  720  mm.;  girth  hips,  872 
mm.;  girth  thigh,  right,  472  mm.;  girth  thigh,  left, 
472  mm.;  breadth  head,  153  mm.;  breadth  neck, 
113  mm.;  breadth  shoulders,  393  mm.;  breadth 
waist,  247  mm.;  breadth  hips  321  mm.;  breadth 
nipples,  195  mm.;  shoulder-elbow,  right,  360 
mm.;  shoulder-elbow,  left,  354  mm.;  elbow-tip, 
right,  456  mm.;  elbow-tip,  left,  455  mm.;  length  of 
foot,  right,  256  mm.;  length  of  foot,  left,  257  mm.; 
length  horizontal,  1,706  mm.;  stretch  of  arms,  1,741 
mm.;  capacity  lungs,  3.7;  strength  lungs,  4.9; 
strength  back,  156.0;  strength  legs,  195.0;  strength 
chest,  34.0;  girth  fore-arm,  right,  260  mm.;  girth 
fore-arm,  left,  260  mm.;  girth  wrist,  right,  162 
mm.;  girth  wrist,  left,  163  mm.;  depth  chest,  171 
mm.;  depth  abdomen,  188  mm.;  b.  strength  up. 
arms,  8;  r.  strength  fore-arm,  25.0;  1.  strength  fore- 
arm, 24.0. 

Total:  Development,  fair;  condition, good;  vision, 
20;  hearing,  good;  pilosity,  medium;  color  hair, 
brown;  eyes,  blue. 

The  physician  says  that  there  is  little  illness  of 


PURE    THEFT.  231 

any  description;  besides  the  affections  marked, 
there  is  gonorrhoea.  There  is  absence  of  evidence, 
of  disease  in  circulatory  and  respiratory  systems. 
The  pulse  is  68,  and  respiration  18.  There  is  noth- 
ing to  point  to  troubles  in  the  abdominal  viscera; 
no  renal  disease;  no  disease  of  the  genito-urinary 
apparatus.  "  C  "  is  somewhat  anaemic,  but  no  more 
so  than  would  naturally  appear  in  the  case  of  an 
individual  who  has  been  indoors  for  a  length  of  time. 
With  the  exception-of  a  few  acne  spots  on  the  body, 
the  cutaneous  system  is  in  good  condition. 

In  brief,  the  physical  examination  yielded  nega- 
tive results,  as  far  as  discovery  of  pathological 
conditions.  Organic  (vegetative)  and  volitional 
functions  are  well  performed.  "  C  "  would  pass 
as  a  healthy  individual,  and  if  presented  for  life 
insurance,  would  be  considered  a  good  risk. 

Testimony  of  those  having  charge  of  "C." 

An  Officer  says:  M*C  took  a  pair  of  shoes  out 
of  the  shop  about  seven  months  ago.  I  saw  them 
on  his  feet  a  few  minutes  after  he  took  them;  he 
was  out  in  the  yard  at  the  time;  he  did  the  finish- 
ing of  shoes;  I  asked  him  in  regard  to  the  shoes; 
I  followed  him  to  his  room  to  make  sure.     He  was 

going  to  be  a  drum-major,  and  said  Mr. ,  the 

hallman,  always  gave  the  drum-major  this  kind  of 
shoes.  He  was  previous  in  his  action  here.  This 
is  all  I  have  ever  seen  him  do;  his  work  is  pretty 
good;  he  has  been  under  me  about  a  year;  after 
he  was  returned  from  parole,  he  was  absent  three 
months,   being   put   in   third    grade;    he   has   no 


»3*  CRIMINOLOGY. 

chums,  as  far  as  I  know.  He  is  previous,  and  a 
little  officious;  this  is  a  characteristic  of  a  prisoner. 
I  heard  that  he  did  a  little  bit  of  forgery  while  out 
on  parole.  I  didn't  know  what  he  was  brought 
here  for.    That  is  one  thing  I  pay  no  attention  to." 

An  Officer  says:  "I  heard  him  mumbling;  I 
called  him  over;  his  lips  were  livid;  he  said  it  was 
not  necessary  (to  call  him);  he  never  paid  any  more 
attention  all  the  evening.  He  is  below  the  average; 
he  will  do  anything  some  day.  I  would  not  trust 
him  as  to  killing  a  man,  from  the  way  he  acted.  I 
was  keeping  order;  that  night  it  seemed  difficult 
for  him  to  control  his  temper." 

An  Officer  says:  "  I  don't  know  as  I  have  seen 
him  do  anything  out  of  the  way.  He  is  a  pretty 
'  slick '  fellow.  I  have  seen  him  provoked,  but  no 
exhibition  of  temper.  I  was  over  him  about  four 
months  in  brush-shop.  He  did  his  work  first- 
class." 

An  Officer  says:  *'  He  worked  under  me  about 
four  years  ago;  he  was  one  of  the  best  men  I  had, 
yet  he  had  a  sheepish  way.  One  night  in  school 
he  showed  temper;  he  was  all  right  in  the  band; 
he  was  a  determined  man;  has  considerable  brains. 

Two  convicts  said  he  was  sent  to prison  for 

a  year;  he  has  never  attracted  much  attention  here 
because  his  conduct  was  very  good.  I  think  he  is 
a  habitual  criminal;  he  is  not  a  coward.  Toughest 
men  are  always  in  the  foundry,  because  it  is  the 
hardest  work;  it  develops  a  man  physically.  I 
have  no  confidence  in  "Cat  all;  he  would  run 
away  if  he  could." 


PURE   THEFT.  233 

Superintendent  says  :  "'C  was  in  N.;  he  was 
punished,  but  was  'cute  enough  to  cause  an  inves- 
tigation, and  have,  as  a  result,  one  of  the  keepers 
ousted.  The  newspapers  were  full  of  it.  He  de- 
nied being  in  N.,  but  finally  admitted  it  after  a 
letter  arrived  here  addressed  to  his  real  name.  He 
said  he  lied  because  it  might  help  him;  he  was 
given  a  good  position  on  parole,  and  ingratiated 
himself  into  the  confidence  of  his  employer." 

Interview  with  "  C  ". 

Q.  How  long  have  you  been  here? 

A.  Four  years  and  ten  months. 

Q.  Do  you  like  it  here? 

A.  (Laughs.) 

Q.  Where  did  you  live  previous  to  coming  here? 

A.  In City. 

Q.  What  did  they  send  you  here  for? 

A.  Grand  larceny. 

Q.  What  was  the  special  charge  brought  against 
you? 

A.  Taking  clothing. 

Q.  How  soon  after  it  was  taken  was  the  theft 
discovered? 

A.  Soon  after;  they  caught  me  with  the  property 
on  my  person. 

Q.  Have  you  been  to  Reformatory  at  Y.? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  How  long? 

A.  Eighteen  months 

Q.  How  did  you  like  it  there? 

A.  About  the  same  as  I  like  here. 


234  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Q.  Why  were  you  sent  there? 

A.  Putting  obstruction  on  railroad  track. 

Q.  What  made  you  do  that? 

A.  Because  the  devil  was  in  me. 

Q.  There  must  have  been  some  other  reason? 

A.  Well,  I  had  a  spite  against  the  railroad  com- 
pany. 

Q.  Did  they  discharge  you? 

A.  No;  I  was  not  in  their  employ.  They  put  me 
off  the  cars  up  in  the  Adirondack  region. 

Q.  Why? 

A.  Oh,  I  lost  my  ticket  and  the  conductor  put 
me  off  up  there. 

Q.  Were  you  in  the  employ  of  the  railroad  com- 
pany? 

A.  No;  I  was  a  passenger  and  lost  my  ticket. 

Q.  And  the  conductor  would  not  believe  it? 

A.  He  would  not  or  did  not  want  to.  He  had 
punched  my  ticket  twice  previously,  and  I  told  him 
so,  but  he  would  not  have  it,  and  put  me  off  twelve 
miles  from  any  habitation. 

Q.  That  was  the  reason  you  did  that? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  How  was  your  record  up  at  Reformatory 
at  Y.? 

A.  All  right,  except  on  one  occasion. 

Q.  How  long  were  you  out  of  there? 

A.  A  year  and  a  half. 

Q.  Did  you  get  into  any  other  place? 

A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  Were  you  ever  in  T.? 

A.  No,  sir. 


PURE   THEFT.  235 

Q.  What  can  you  give  as  a  reason  for  having 
taken  those  clothes?  You  were  not  poor,  were 
you  ? 

A.  No,  I  was  "  tight  "  at  the  time. 

Q.  Would  not  your  father  or  mother  give  you 
money? 

A.  I  was  not  living  at  home. 

Q.  Why  not? 

A.  Because  they  would  not  have  me  live  the 
way  I  was  living  and  live  at  home. 

Q.  How  were  you  living — with  women? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Was  it  a  young  woman  about  your  own  age? 

A.  Yes,  sir;  a  little  younger. 

Q.  You  were  not  married? 

A.  No;  was  simply  living  with  her. 

Q,  Did  you  ever  live  with  any  other  woman? 

A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  Did  your  family  want  you  to  live  with  them? 

A.  Oh,  yes!  They  wanted  me  to  live  with  them, 
but  wanted  me  to  give  up  the  woman. 

Q.  Didn't  that  cost  you  something — living  with 
the  woman? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  Had  you,  before  going  to  Y.,  ever  taken  any- 
thing? 

A.  Well,  yes;  I  had  stolen  apples,  etc.  I  had 
never  been  convicted  of  any  crime  though. 

Q.  Well,  you  might  not  have  been  convicted,  but 
did  you  ever  steal  anything?  I  want  to  see  why 
you  do  this.  A  man  doesn't  learn  to  steal  at  one 
time — instantly,     It  is  a  gradual  process — it  comes 


2$6  CRIMINOLOGY. 

on  gradually.  Did  you  ever  steal  anything  from 
your  mother? 

A.  Oh,  yes;  out  of  the  pantry,  etc. 

Q.  Well,  that  is  the  beginning.  Some  people 
stop  there  and  others  don't,  but  go  on.  Did  your 
mother  tell  you  not  to  take  things  out  of  the 
pantry? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Did  your  father  ever  whip  you? 

A.  Not  much. 

Q.  When  he  did,  how  did  he  do  it? 

A.  Not  so  hard  as  my  mother  did. 

Q.  Did  he  whip  you  with  a  stick?  Have  you 
any  complaint  as  to  how  you  were  treated  by  your 
parents? 

A.  Oh,  no. 

Q.  Do  you  like  the  "  girls  "? 

A.  Yes;  this  thing  all  comes  from  my  associa- 
tions. 

Q.  How  do  you  account  for  the  other  boys  (your 
brothers)  not  doing  the  same? 

A.  Well,  they  always  lived  at  home  and  I 
haven't. 

Q.  Why  did  you  not  live  at  home? 

A.  Well,  I  had  a  roving  disposition. 

Q.  You  like  to  travel? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  Have  you  been  out  West? 

A.  A  little  ways. 

Q.  Did  you  ever  "  tramp  it "? 

A.  No,  sir. 

Q,  Have  you  any  sisters  ? 


PURE   THEFT.  237 

A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  How  many  brothers  ? 

A.  One. 

Q.  What  is  he  doing  now  ? 

A.  He  is  in  the  navy. 

Q.  Would  you  not  like  to  go  into  the  navy? 

A.  I  was  in  it,  but  got  tired. 

Q.  Do  you  get  tired  of  things  quickly  ? 

A.  I  do  when  they  don't  agree  with  me.  I  liked 
the  navy  well  enough,  but  for  one  thing.  The 
rations  they  served  were  worse  than  prison  rations. 

Q.  Prison  rations  are  pretty  good  though  ? 

A.  I  don't  think  so. 

Q.  Well,  you  have  been  accustomed  to  better 
food  than  most  men  that  come  here,  have  you  not  ? 

A.  Yes,  I  guess  I  have. 

Q.  Consequently  you  notice  the  difference  more 
than  they  do.  Do  you  think  they  reform  boys 
here,  or  don't  you?  I  only  want  your  opinion; 
nobody  touches  a  man  for  his  opinion. 

A.  Well,  I  don't  know.     I 

Q.  What  would  you  suggest  about  reforming 
a  boy  ?  If  you  were  going  to  have  an  institution, 
how  would  you  run  it  ?  If  you  had  a  fellow  like 
yourself,  and  was  trying  to  make  him  "  straight " 
so  he  would  not  "run  off  the  track,"  how  would 
you  do  it  ? 

A.  I  should  have  the  men  that  are  put  over  the 
inmates  different  from  what  the  prison  keepers  are 
generally. 

Q.  What  is  the  matter  with  keepers  generally  ? 

A.  All  the  keepers  I  have  ever  seen  cannot  be 


238  CRIMINOLOGY. 

looked  up  to  by  the  men  under  them  as  their  supe- 
riors— they  do  not  feel  that  they  are  superior  to 
them.  Most  of  the  keepers  here  whom  we  associate 
with,  ten  chances  to  one  we  feel  to  be  beneath  us, 
or,  at  least,  not  above  us.  I  think  prisoners  ought 
to  come  in  contact  with  better  men  than  the  prison 
keepers  we  have  here.  I  think  the  majority  of 
keepers  are  hired  more  for  political  reasons  than 
because  of  fitness  or  anything  else. 

Q.  If  you  were  going  to  give  a  reason  for  your 
"  running  off  the  track  "  once  in  awhile,  you  would 
say  it  was  your  associations  ?  But  you  need  to  be 
pressed,  don't  you  ?  If  you  had  not  been  pressed 
for  money,  would  you  have  taken  this  clothing  ? 

A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  When  you  first  took  these  clothes  what  were 
your  feelings  ? 

A.  Well,  I  took  them  when  I  was  drunk. 

Q.  How  much  had  you  been  drinking  ?  Could 
you  walk  straight  ? 

A.  Oh,  yes  ;  I  was  never  so  drunk  I  couldn't 
walk  straight. 

Q.  Were  you  drunk  when  you  put  obstructions 
on  the  track  ? 

A.  No.  It  was  done  in  a  moment  of  revenge. 
I  was  sorry  I  did  it  after  I  got  away  from  the  spot, 
but  I  knew  it  was  too  late  to  get  back  and  remove 
them  before  the  train  came  on. 

Q.  Was  anyone  with  you  ? 

A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  You  were  not  in  the  habit  of  having  many 
associates,  were  you  ? 


PURE    THEFT. 


239 


A.  No, 

Q.  You  have  had  one  or  two  ? 

A.  Not  for  any  length  of  time. 

Q.  Did  you  ever  do  anything  else  besides  this  ? 
Did  you  ever  get  into  tight  circumstances  and  be 
pretty  strongly  tempted,  and  for  some  reason  or 
another  did  not  do  it  ?  Do  you  remember  any  of 
those  circumstances,  when  you  were  pressed  by 
temptation  to  do  something,  whether  you  did  it  or 
not  ? 

A.  I  think  there  have  been  times  in  my  life  when 
I  would  have  done  "  little  "  things. 

Q.  When  you  get  pressed,  you  occasionally  fail 
to  tell  things  just  straight,  don't  you.  That  always 
goes  with  the  other  ? 

A.  Well,  a  person  don't  like  to  talk  about  some 
things  too  freely. 

Q.  Yes,  but  I  would  not  say  anything  about  it ; 
I  just  want  to  find  the  reason  for  it  all.  You  get 
angry  occasionally,  do  you  not? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  What  makes  you  angry?  Does  it  make  you 
angry  if  a  man  calls  you  a  name? 

A.  No,  not  in  here  it  wouldn't.  A  fellow  gets 
used  to  it  in  here  and  sees  that  it  is  only  a  sort  of 
by-word. 

Q.  Suppose  a  man  called  you  names  outside, 
what  would  you  do? 

A.  If  it  was  a  bad  one  I  would  make  him  take  it 
back,  but  I  would  not  go  so  far  as  killing  him. 

Q.  When  you  get  angry  do  you  turn  red  or 
white? 


240  CRIMINOLOGY. 

A.  Red. 

Q.  Your  face  feels  warm,  doesn't  it? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Are  you  sure  you  turn  red? 

A.  Well,  I  feel  the  blood  rush  to  my  face.  But 
when  I  was  guilty  of  any  wrong  act  and  was  caught 
at  it  I  turn  white. 

Q.  When  you  are  caught  at  anything  do  you  feel 
mad? 

A.  Well,  no;  I  think  I  do  afterwards,  though. 

Q.  Do  you  ever  remember  any  time  in  your  life 
when  your  mother  told  you  she  would  whip  you  if 
you  did  a  certain  act,  and  you  did  it  and  told  a  lie 
about  it  to  get  out  of  the  whipping? 

A.  I  don't  think  I  was  whipped  enough.  I  was 
often  told  I  would  be  whipped  if  I  did  a  certain 
thing,  and  after  doing  it  was  not  whipped.  So  if  I 
did  a  thing  I  would  not  have  any  reason  for  deny- 
ing it  as  I  was  pretty  sure  not  to  be  whipped. 

Q.  What  do  you  think  is  the  cause  of  your  telling 
things  crookedly  once  in  a  while  ? 

A.  I  think  it  commenced  at  school.  I  used  to  be 
with  a  lot  of  other  school-boys,  and  we  might  do 
something  one  day,  and  when  questioned  about  it 
by  the  teacher  would  lie  because  afraid  to  tell  the 
truth,  and  after  a  while  would  not  tell  the  truth, 
not  because  afraid,  but  didn't  want  to. 

Q.  You  are  going  to  get  out  of  here  soon,  are 
you  not  ? 

A.  Yes,  64  more  days. 

Q.  Do  you  think  you  are  going  to  stay  out' 

A.  I  hope  so. 


PURE   THEFT.  24I 

Q.  Well,  when  you  went  out  on  parole  you 
thought  you  were  going  to  stay  out,  didn't  you  ? 

A.  I  think  I  would  have  done  so  if  I 

Q.  What  was  the  trouble  ? 

A.  Well,  I  left  my  employment  and  had  permis- 
sion to  do  so  from  the  gentleman  who  has  charge 
of  the  paroled  men  in  Z.,  and  the  superintendent 
heard  about  it,  and  I  had  not  written  to  him  about 
it,  and  he  issued  a  warrant  and  brought  me  back. 
But  that  has  not  held  me  here.  It  was,  however, 
what  made  me  lose  my  parole. 

Q.  There  is  a  complaint  recorded  here  against 
you  about  tearing  up  a  report.  What  made  you 
do  that  ? 

A.  Well,  a  short  time  after  I  came  here  the 
superintendent  put  me  to  work  in  the  office.  The 
office  men  were  allowed  to  come  up  as  soon  as  they 
got  through  eating  their  dinner  and  could  take  a 
book  from  the  library  and  read  it.  I  was  a  new 
man,  and  we  had  a  librarian  who  was  a  "  fresh " 
sort  of  a  fellow.  I  saw  the  other  fellows  go  up  and 
take  a  book  and  I  did  the  same.  He  then  came 
over  and  said  "You  want  to  leave  them  books 
alone."  I  said  "  I  don't  want  to  do  anything  of  the 
kind;  all  the  other  fellows  take  them  and  I  will." 
He  said  he  would  give  me  a  report,  and  I  said  for 

him  to  do  so  and  be .    I  got  mad  as  well  as  he 

did.  The  other  clerks  tried  to  fix  it  up,  and  finally 
he  said  he  would  let  it  all  go  if  I  would  apologize. 
My  temper  was  up,  and  I  would  not  apologize.  He 
then  went  over,  and  made  out  a  report  for  using 
insulting  language.  I  went  over  and  tore  it  up. 
16 


242  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Q.  You  do  not  do  anything  out  of  the  way  unless 
you  are  pressed  ? 

A.  No,  I  am  not  a  thief  by  heart  or  anything 
like  that. 

Q.  Well,  how  do  you  account  for  it  that  when 
another  fellow  is  pressed  he  don't  steal,  and  when 
you  are  pressed,  you  do? 

A.  Well,  he  may  be  a  little  more  conscientious 
than  I. 

Q.  How  does  it  come  about  that  he  has  more 
conscience? 

A.  I  don't  know;  I  never  saw  two  men  situ- 
ated the  same  way  and  one  do  different  from  the 
other. 

Q.  There  are  many  fellows  who  are  tempted  to 
steal,  but  never  do.    Why  are  you  tempted  though? 

A.  Well,  in  this  last  case  I  saw  no  way  of  getting 
out  of  it. 

Q.  It  was  the  "  girls  "  that  brought  you  here, 
was  it  not? 

A.  Oh,  I  would  probably  have  come  here  whether 
I  had  been  with  the  girls  or  not.  I  did  crooked 
things  before — little  things. 

Q.  What  were  they? 

A.  At  school,  for  instance,  I  would  play  truant 
and  steal  apples. 

Q.  Then  your  mother  would  ask  you  if  you  were 
at  school,  and  you  would  say  you  had  been? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  How  long  did  you  go  to  school? 

A.  I  went  to  school  from  the  time  I  was  six  to 
sixteen  years  old. 


PURE    THEFT.  243 

Q.  Where  did  you  go  when  you  left  your 
parents? 

A.  To 

Q.  How   were  you  treated  there? 

A.  I  was  allowed  to  do  as  I  pleased. 

Q.  What  did  you  do  there  besides  going  to 
school? 

A.  When  I  was  about  14  years  old  I  got 
acquainted  with  two  other  boys  about  my  own 
age,  and  the  relatives  I  lived  with  would  not  let 
me  out  at  night,  and  as  the  places  those  fellows  and 
myself  wished  to  go  to  couldn't  be  visited  in  the 
daytime,  I  would  get  out  of  the  window  after  the 
family  were  asleep  and  go  down  to  the  city  with 
them  till  about  12  o'clock. 

Q.  How  would  you  get  in? 

A.  I  had  a  back  way  that  was  not  used.  I  could 
go  down  in  the  cellar  and  up  through  that  way. 

Q.  Where  did  you  go  with  these  fellows? 

A.  To  the  theater  or  to  saloons. 

Q.  What  did  you  do  in  saloons? 

A.  Play  pool  and  billiards. 

Q.  The  girls  didn't  bother  you  then? 

A.  Not  until  I  was  about  15. 

Q.  What  else  did  you  do  besides  going  to  saloons 
and  theaters? 

A    Go  off  down  the  river. 

Q.  What  did  you  do  there? 

A.  Used  to  go  down  to  friend's  house  and  play 
cards  there.     I  got  acquainted  with  girls  there. 

Q.  What  kind  of  girls  were  they  —  always 
"  straight "? 


«44  CRIMINOLOGY. 

A.  No,  there  was  nothing  straight  about  them. 
Q.  Did  you  go  with  those  girls  then  ? 
A.  No,  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  them  then. 
Q.  Were  they  young  factory  girls  ? 
A.  They  were  simply  country  girls. 
Q.  Were  they  "  loose  "  ? 
A.  Yes. 

Q.  How  did  you  come  to  go  with  women  ? 
A.  I  think  that  is  rather  delicate  grounds  now, 
etc. 


Q.  Who  did  the  tempting  ? 

A.  I  think  she  did. 

Q.  After  that,  did  you  get  going  with  other 
girls  ? 

A.  Oh,  yes.  I  had  been  initiated  then,  and  any- 
way was  always  rather  amorous. 

Q.  How  many  girls  do  you  think  you  have  been 
with  that  way  since  ? 

A.  About  half  a  dozen. 

Q.  When  you  went  with  girls  did  you  pay  them 
— were  they  half  prostitutes  ? 

A.  Well,  I  never  took  up  a  girl  in  the  street  for 
this.  I  got  acquainted  with  one  and  sort  of  fell  in 
love  with  her. 

Q.  Would  you  stay  in  your  room  or  in  hers  ? 

A.  Neither  ;  we  would  go  to  a  hotel. 

Q.  Is  that  the  custom  in  "  X."  ? 

A.  Oh,  yes. 

Q.  What  was  you  doing  nights  at  this  time  ? 

A.  Going  around  with  the  boys. 


PURE   THEFT.  245 

Q.  What  was  the  value  of  the  ticket  you  had 
when  you  were  put  off  the  train  ? 

A.  $2.50. 

Q.  Were  you  going  home  ? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  Did  you  put  the  obstruction  on  right  after 
you  were  put  off  ? 

A.  Yes,  right  after. 

Q.  Did  it  obstruct  anything  ? 

A.  I  did  not  intend  to  wreck  the  train.  The 
thought  came  into  my  head  to  put  it  on  the 
straight  run  and  not  on  a  curve.  I  wanted  to 
catch  the  conductor.  I  only  wanted  to  delay  the 
train  and  put  them  to  trouble. 

Q.  What  did  you  put  on  the  track  ? 
:    A.  I  put  on  two  ties,  wedge  shape,  and  a  lot  of 
cobble  stones  and  sand. 

Q.  What  was  your  object  in  filling  it  up  that 
way  ? 

A.  So  it  would  take  a  lot  of  time  to  clear  away, 
thus  causing  a  delay. 

Q.  How  do  you  account  for  taking  these 
clothes  ? 

A.  I  took  them  because  I  was  short  of  money, 
but  don't  think  I  would  have  done  it  if  I  had  been 
sober,  because  I  could  have  gotten  all  the  money 
I  wanted  from  mother. 

Q.  How  did  you  get  it ;  was  it  in  a  store  ? 

A.  No,  it  was  in  the  house  where  I  stopped. 

Q.  How  did  they  find  out  about  it  ? 

A.  As  soon  as  I  did  it  I  left  the  house.  That  is 
what  created  suspicion. 


246  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Q.  Had  you  paid  your  board  bill  ? 

A.  Oh,  yes;  but  I  hadn't  said  anything  about 
leaving.  I  left  a  note  for  the  girl  to  meet  me  at  a 
certain  place,  and  they  saw  her  going  out  and  they 
stopped  her  and  wanted  to  know  where  I  was.  She 
told  them  all  right  enough,  and  then  they  told  her 
to  wait  a  minute.  She  didn't  know  I  took  the 
things.  So  they  got  an  officer  and  came  over  and 
arrested  me. 

Q.  Do  you  think  they  suspected  you  and  her — 
your  relations  ? 

A.  No,  we  lived  as  man  and  wife. 

Q.  Did  you  live  together  long  enough  not  to  be 
spooney  ? 

A.  Oh,  I  wasn't  that  sort  of  a  fellow. 

Q.  What  was  the  value  of  those  things — what 
did  they  claim  they  were  worth  ? 

A.  I  don't  know;  somewhere  about  $50. 

Q.  Whose  were  they  ? 

A.  A  man  who  boarded  there. 

Q.  The  idea  was  that  you  could  get  the  money 
easier  that  way,  and  you  did  so,  not  thinking  you 
would  be  caught  ? 

A.  I  had  just  been  out  on  a  drunk,  and  I  wanted 
the  money  pretty  bad. 

Q.  What  did  you  want  the  money  for  ? 

A.  I  wanted  to  give  it  to  somebody  up-town. 

Q.  Was  it  a  debt  ? 

A.  No;  I  wanted  to  aid  a  friend  of  mine  up- 
town. 

Q.  Why  did  you  go  to  such  extreme  measures  to 
get  money  to  lend  him  ? 


PURE   THEFT.  247 

A.  Because  the  party  had  done  things  for  me, 
though  he  never  went  to  such  extremes.  I  thought 
at  the  time  that  this  person  who  owned  these  things 
hardly  ever  came  down  to  the  house  from  which  I 
took  them.  I  thought  I  could  get  them  back  by 
the  next  day  without  his  knowing  they  had  been 
taken.  I  expected  money  the  next  day  or  so,  and 
could  have  put  them  back  again.  I  only  wanted 
the  use  of  the  money  for  the  time. 

Q.  How  long  ago  is  this? 

A.  Five  years  ago. 

Q.  How  long  have  you  been  in  the  habit  of 
drinking? 

A,  Ever  since  I  went  to  live  at . 

Q.  What  did  you  drink  ? 

A.  Beer. 

Q.  What  else  ? 

A.  Whisky. 

Q.  How  often  have  you  been  drunk  ? 

A.  Only  when  I  went  out  in  the  evening  with 
these  people. 

Q.  How  often  did  you  get  a  little  1  off  " — not 
drunk  necessarily,  but  just  a  little  "off"? 

A.  I  don't  know.  I  only  got  drunk  once  so  bad 
that  I  couldn't  go  home. 

Q.  How  often  did  you  ever  get  so  that  you  would 
put  the  wrong  end  of  a  cigar  in  your  mouth  ? 

A.  I  never  got  that  bad. 

Q.  How  does  it  affect  you  ? 

A.  I  cannot  explain  the  feeling.  I  feel  pretty 
good,  that  is  all. 

Q.  What  are  you  disposed  to  do  when  you  are 


34.8  CRIMINOLOGY. 

under  the  influence  of  liquor  ?  Are  you  disposed 
to  go  with  girls  ? 

A.  Not  so  much  as  usual. 

Q.  Are  you  disposed  to  fight  ? 

A.  No;  only  disposed  to  go  around  and  "  see  the 
sights." 

Q.  Have  you  ever  used  anybody  else's  name 
while  in  this  condition  ? 

A.  Forgery  do  you  mean  ? 

Q.  Yes.  I  think  one  of  the  complaints  against 
you  is  that.  I  don't  know  the  exact  circumstances, 
but  you  will  probably  remember  them. 

A.  No,  not  that  I  can  remember. 

Q.  How  did  they  prove  this  forgery  ? 

A.  Why,  the  superintendent  wrote  for  the  check, 
looked  at  it,  and  was  convinced. 

Q.  Did  you  talk  with  him  about  it  ? 

A.  Yes,  before  he  got  the  check. 

Q.  Have  you  told  him  you  did  not  write  it  ? 

A.  Yes,  I  told  him  my  side  of  the  story.  He  said 
he  would  look  it  up. 

Q.  You  don't  know  what  he  thinks  ? 

A.  Well,  he  thinks  he  knows  a  man's  character, 
and  he  won't  change  his  opinion. 

Q.  What  was  the  trouble  about  your  work  down 
there  ? 

A.  He  was  not  paying  me  enough.  Not  near  as 
much  as  I  could  make  at  stenography.  He  kept 
me  working  about  four  days,  and  laid  me  off,  two 
every  week. 

Q.  He  seems  to  think  he  was  deceived  by  you  ? 

A.  I  don't  know  why. 


PURE   THEFT.  249 

Q.  Was  that  the  main  trouble  about  the  employ- 
ment— that  you  did  not  get  enough  money  ? 

A.  Yes,  that  and  not  keeping  me  at  work.  He 
was  continually  "  laying  me  off."  I  could  not  aver- 
age over  $7  or  $8  a  week. 

Q.  Did  you  get  tired  of  the  position? 

A.  Oh,  I  liked  it  well  enough.  The  only  trouble 
was  about  the  money. 

Q.  What  did  you  do  then? 

A.  I  left  and  went  at  newspaper  work. 

Q.  You  got  a  little  impatient,  didn't  you? 

A.  Well,  yes. 

Q.  You  like  to  rove  about,  don't  you? 

A.  Yes,  but  I  don't  mean  that  I  like  to  change 
my  employment. 

Q.  Have  you  wanted  to  change  your  employ- 
ment here? 

A.  Yes,  to  something  that  would  benefit  me. 
They  claim  to  teach  you  trades  here,  but  they  don't. 
I  remember  one  instance.  A  man  I  was  working 
for  took  a  man  from  here,  who  had  learned  the 
machinist's  trade.  When  he  got  there  he  told 
him  to  make  out  a  list  of  tools  he  would  require, 
and  he  would  get  them  for  him.  The  fellow 
couldn't  do  it,  but  sent  up  to  the  foreman  here  for 
a  list,  which  they  never  sent  him. 

Q.  Well,  you  would  say  the  cause  of  your  being 
here  is  the  circumstances  you  were  placed  in? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  What  do  you  intend  to  do  after  you  get  out? 

A.  I  intend  to  go  out  of  the  United  States. 

Q.  You  haven't  any  money  i 


250  CRIMINOLOGY. 

A.  I  can  get  some  money  easy  enough.  I  want 
to  go  where  there  are  no  prisons. 

Q.  You  can't  find  such  a  place. 

A.  Well,  you  know  if  a  fellow  goes  to  work  in  a 
shop  and  his  fellow-workmen  find  he  has  been  in 
a  prison  they  won't  let  him  work. 

Q.  Do  you  blame  them? 

A.  No,  it  is  a  natural  feeling,  but  I  want  to  get 
where  I  am  not  known. 

Q.  You  don't  expect  to  get  back  in  prison  again? 

A.  No;  I  think  not. 

Conclusion. 

"C"is  capable  of  behaving  himself  in  prison, 
and  most  of  his  disorder  is  voluntary.  He  seems 
to  have  no  physical  anomaly  of  any  kind.  He  is 
an  interesting  case,  and  somewhat  exceptional  in 
that  he  has  good  parents,  in  good  circumstances. 
As  he  confesses  in  the  interview,  he  is  not  so 
"conscientious"  as  others,  his  anomaly  is  psy- 
chological; he  has  an  innate  tendency  to  crooked 
things,  or  we  may  say,  he  has  less  power  of  resist- 
ance to  temptation  than  the  average  boy.  As  is 
evident,  he  is  much  above  the  average  intelligence. 
He  is  probably  incorrigible.  The  last  report  about 
him,  that  he  is  trying  to  live  by  his  wits  in  a  city, 
is  very  unfavorable  in  its  outlook. 

As  he  had  served  his  maximum  term,  he  could 
not  be  kept  longer.  That  his  record  was  very  good 
during  three  months  before  his  time  of  release 
shows  his  capability  to  do  right;  but  it  seems  to  be 
by  force  of  will  rather  than  by  his  natural  disposi- 


PURE    THEFT.  25 1 

tion.  While  conditions  always  have  their  influence, 
the  defect  is  in  the  man  in  this  case  rather  than  in 
the  conditions. 

It  seems  to  us  that  he  should  have  been  paroled 
and  not  released  entirely,  for  this  would  be  an 
additional  inducement  for  him  to  keep  straight, 
which  he  certainly  needs. 

HISTORY   OF   CASE    "  D." 

Testimony  as  to  "  Z>." 

Officer  says:  "When  in  a  reformatory  *D* 
escaped  several  times;  one  time  he  walked  out 
with  a  dinner-pail  as  a  child  of  a  citizen;  being 
returned  for  larceny,  he  behaved  well  and  was  dis- 
charged. Later  he  was  sent  to  the  penitentiary 
for  three  years  for  stealing  from  freight  cars;  he 
escaped  from  here  in  the  guise  of  a  workman;  he 
was  returned  to  reformatory  for  burglary,  but  under 
another  name;  being  recognized  he  was  obliged  to 
serve  out  his  penitentiary  sentence;  after  this  he 
broke  into  a  store,  was  caught,  but  escaped  from 
the  jail,  was  retaken,  and  almost  escaped  again;  he 
set  the  jail  on  fire,  and  tried  to  escape,  but  was 
held  by  the  jailer's  wife;  afterwards,  however,  he 
escaped;  was  sent  to  the  penitentiary  for  stealing  a 
horse;  he  stabbed  the  night  watchman,  and  was 
sent  to  State  prison  for  five  years;  but  he  escaped 
on  the  way  there. 

"  At  the  time  he  was  indicted  for  the  burglary  of 
a  horse  he  was  31  years  of  age  and  with  no  occu- 
pation. *  D '  declares  that  he  will  kill  Detective 
*E'  should  he  live  out  his  sentence;  he  was  very 


25*  CRIMINOLOGY. 

demonstrative  in  hack  on  way  to  public  station. 
He  lived  once  with  Mrs.  H.,  who  left  a  good  husband 
and  three  or  four  children  in  order  to  live  with  him; 
another  time  he  entered  a  store  and  stole  neckties, 
charms,  lockets,  etc.     '  D  '  is  a  Frenchman." 

Dr. says:  " '  D  '  is  a  stock-liar,  an  ingenious 

inventor,  and  a  good  writer;  he  wrote  one  or  two 
columns  in  a  large  newspaper  of  a  supposed  inter- 
view with  me;  he  had  the  facts  and  technical  terms 
correct;  he  will  do  anything  for  me;  he  is  genial 
and  pleasant  and  well-behaved  in  prison;  he  has  no 

fear.     '  D '  told  me  his  wife  lived  near  .     I 

believe  he  really  intends  to  quit  his  former  ways." 

A  lady  says:  "'D'  stayed  with  his  mother  op- 
posite us;  his  parents  were  orderly  people.  He 
hid  under  a  stoop  in  the  town  for  a  week  or  so,  no 
one  could  find  him.  He  got  into  a  stable  and  stole 
a  horse,  loaded  a  gentleman's  furniture  in  the  wagon, 
and  drove  away  as  fast  as  he  could.  Everybody 
was  afraid  of  him  in  town." 

Interview  with  "Z>." 

"D"  says:  "Whipping  may  do  a  young  man  good, 
but  it  is  of  little  utility  after  he  has  grown  up. 

"Old  criminals  free  from  alcoholism  do  not  set  up 
the  young  to  crime.  I  have  made  up  my  mind  to 
quit,  and  so  have  no  objection  to  talk.  I  have 
always  had  a  passion  for  invention,  and  instead  of 
borrowing  money,  as  I  could  have,  I  stole  it  in 
order  to  carry  out  my  inventions.  This  is  the  real 
cause  of  all  my  stealing,  for  which  I  get  the  credit 
of  twice  the  amount  I  have  ever  done.     After  a 


PURE   THEFT.  253 

fellow  gets  a  reputation  nobody  will  believe  him 
when  he  tells  the  truth;  so  it  is  easy  to  convict 
him.  I  was  accused  falsely  of  stealing  a  dollar 
from  a  negro  woman  in  the  next  cell ;  she  was 
afraid  of  being  searched  and  asked  me  to  keep  a 
dollar  for  her.  Finding  a  flaw  in  my  indictment, 
they  decided  to  get  up  a  new  one,  and  so  they  got 
the  negro  woman  to  swear  that  I  stole  the  dollar, 
and  on  that  I  went  up  to  the  penitentiary  for  six 
months. 

"  I  never  stole  very  much  money;  I  did  not  have 
an  idea  of  earning  much  money,  never  looked  out 

for  that;  was  beaten  out  of  a  good  patent  at . 

I  am  a  fool  for  stealing  money,  and  also  for  hav- 
ing escaped  many  times;  the  feeling  outside  is 
very  disagreeable,  for  I  was  suspicious  of  every- 
body, so  much  so  that  I  would  not  recognize  an 
old  friend  whom  I  had  fallen  in  love  with  when  a 
boy,  until  after  telling  me  many  things  about  my 
early  boyhood,  she  finally  showed  me  her  finger 
that  she  had  broken  when  we  were  sliding  down 
hill  together.  That  was  the  only  thing  that  con- 
vinced me.  I  do  not  enjoy  stealing;  every  time  I 
steal,  I  have  a  repulsion  to  it;  but  the  idea  of  get- 
ting means  to  satisfy  my  inventive  idea  over- 
comes me.  I  could  get  out  of  most  any  place." 
("  D  "  here  showed  the  writer  the  iron  bars  in  his 
cell  window  that  he  had  sawed  almost  through, 
having  filled  the  space — made  by  the  saw — with 
brown  bread,  being  the  color  of  the  bars).  "  I  can 
pick  most  any  lock;  I  opened  the  Sheriff's  safe  the 
other  day  in  twenty  minutes   after  a  so-called 


254  CRIMINOLOGY. 

expert  had  worked  at  the  combination  lock  all  the 
afternoon  without  success. 

"  I  always  carried  a  pistol  but  never  shot  a  man. 
I  would  shoot  in  the  air  to  scare  a  man."  (The 
prison  officer  said  he  never  heard  of  "  D  "  injuring 
anyone.)  "  I  would  rather  be  hung  than  have  a  life 
sentence.  I  should  like  electricity  as  a  method  of 
punishment.  I  could  have  got  out  of  prison  any 
time."  ("  D  "  was  at  time  of  punishment  deprived 
of  knife  and  fork;  a  spoon  was  considered  a  con- 
cession, for  fear  he  might  use  it  as  a  tool  to  escape. 
He  was  obliged  to  return  the  spoon  after  each 
meal.)  "  I  have  an  invention  to  keep  burglars 
from  getting  into  stores  at  night.  I  think  it  will 
be  a  success.  After  ten  years  in  prison,  on  being 
discharged,  I  was  no  more  than  out  of  the  gate, 
when  I  was  presented  with  a  number  of  old  indict- 
ments, and  so  I  am  in  jail  now.  I  hold  Wines's 
idea  of  reformation  as  given  in  reprint;  but  I  do 
not  take  much  stock  in  theology,  yet  I  respect  a 
sincere  man.     I  detest  thieves  and  detest  myself. 

"  Sometimes  it  takes  me  a  week  to  get  up  cour- 
age to  steal;  I  need  pressure;  I  might  be  called  a 
coward  for  this  reason.  I  never  dared  enter  a 
place  if  anyone  was  in  it,  or  if  I  was  afraid  of 
meeting  anyone  there.  I  have  been  accused  of 
stealing  chickens,  but  never  have  fallen  quite  so 
low  as  that.  I  sometimes  would  aid  the  prison 
officers  in  making  a  reputation.  I  agreed  to  hide 
in  a  hole  under  a  flat  stone  in  the  prison  yard,  I 
was  fed  like  a  king;  every  officer  said  that  I  had 
escaped  except  this   one   officer  who   maintained 


PURE    THEFT.  2$$ 

that  I  was  in  the  prison;  he  had  kept  the  men  on 
the  wall  day  and  night  so  long  that  they  had  voted 
him  a  fool;  it  would  have  been  his  plan  to  have  de- 
ceived me  and  get  the  glory,  by  showing  that  he 
was  right  after  all  in  maintaining  that  I  was  in 
the  prison,  but  he  did  not  arrange  well  enough. 
This  officer  was  afraid  he  might  lose  his  position 
through  change  of  administration,  hence  his 
scheme.  If  an  officer  once  has  the  ill  will  of 
prisoners,  it  is  very  hard  for  him  to  gain  it  back. 
I  do  not  want  to  have  my  head  measured,  I  have 
no  interest  in  it;  I  admit  it  is  prejudice,  although  I 
would  oblige  you  as  much  as  I  can.  I  have  never 
had  a  photograph  taken.  I  do  not  see  I  am  any 
more  a  thief  than  those  outside  of  prison,  and  I 
don't  see  why  you  have  come  to  me.  I  have  been 
unlucky,  and  also  a  fool  not  to  steal  in  other  ways, 
by  forging  paper  or  many  ways  like  the  '  kid- 
glove  '  thieves  outside;  and  as  long  as  society 
allows  those  to  parade  our  streets,  I  have  very 
little  conscience  about  stealing,  I  never  stole  more 
than  a  hundred  dollars  at  a  time,  but  those  fellows 
steal  their  thousands.  I  do  not  want  my  head 
measured;  they  measured  my  height  once,  and  my 
wife  blamed  me  for  that.  I  cannot  write  my  biog- 
raphy just  now,  I  do  not  want  to  write  till  I  know 
I  am  free.  If  I  am  released  I  will  write  it  for  you. 
I  often  change  my  name,  giving  that  of  letters  in 
my  pocket.  A  prisoner  bet  me  once  that  I  could 
not  get  out  that  night.  At  dinner-table  I  took  a 
knife  and  a  few  cold  potatoes  to  my  cell,  when  it 
was  late  and  the  guards  had  come  to  the  conclu- 


256  CRIMINOLOGY. 

sion  that  all  was  safe,  I  nicked  the  knife  on  the 
iron  slats  of  my  bedstead  to  make  teeth,  and  then, 
with  the  candle  behind  a  screen  and  by  the  moist- 
ure from  the  cold  potatoes,  I  gradually  tempered 
the  knife  sufficiently  so  I  could  saw  the  iron  bars 
of  my  cell  window,  and  thus  I  escaped." 

Since  this  interview  "  D  "  has  been  released,  has 
secured  employment  at  good  wages,  and  is  doing 
well.  But  he  has  failed  to  write  his  biography;  he 
has  been  written  to,  but  no  reply  has  been  received. 
At  present  (1892)  "D  "  is  being  tried  on  a  charge 
of  being  a  professional  burglar. 

Conclusion. 

"  D  "  is  a  sort  of  criminal  genius,  especially  in  his 
ability  to  escape,  and  also  in  his  faculty  for  inven- 
tion. His  extreme  cautiousness  is  evident.  He  is 
very  agreeable  and  modest  in  manner,  but  can  be 
irritated,  probably  owing  to  the  fact  that  his  man- 
ner of  life  has  been  a  severe  strain  upon  his  sensi- 
tive nervous  system. 

He  blushed  quite  frequently  during  the  conver- 
sation, and  did  not  seem  to  like  his  reputation  for 
being  a  genius  in  crime.  He  has  little  vanity, 
when  compared  with  criminals  in  general.  He  has 
a  clear  insight  as  to  the  foolishness  of  crime;  but 
it  must  be  confessed  that  this  idea  has  come  some- 
what late,  as  he  is  about  forty  years  of  age. 

While  he  has  a  very  strong  passion  for  invention, 
there  is  an  extreme  feebleness  in  resisting  the 
temptation  to  lying  and  crookedness.  Environ- 
ment will  not  account  for  his  criminality. 


CHAPTER     III. 

PURE   MEANNESS. 

There  are  very  few  who  do  not  manifest  the 
quality  of  meanness  occasionally,  either  as  an  ex- 
pression of  dislike  or  retaliation.  The  term  "  pure 
meanness"  is  intended  to  be  applied  to  those  indi- 
viduals who  hate  almost  everyone  around  them, 
and  who  persist  in  displaying  it  in  the  form  of 
meanness.  The  relation  of  this  condition  to  that 
of  crime  is  very  close,  and  the  one  is  generally  fol- 
lowed by  the  other. 

CASE  E.      MISS  "  E."      FROM  RECORDS  OF  INSTITUTION. 

Received  April  30,  1887,  from  a  court  of  special 

sessions   in ,  for  being  a  disorderly  child: 

Age,  15  years;  weight,  86  pounds;  height,  1,066 
mm.;  blue  eyes;  light  brown  hair;  light,  sallow 
complexion;  poorly  clothed;  reads  in  2d  Reader; 
cannot  write;  has  stepmother;  own  mother  was  a 
half-breed   Indian;     step-mother   in    penitentiary; 

"  E  "  lived  at house  until  12  years  old;  one 

of  her  sisters  lived  there  also;  has  two  half-brothers 
in  orphans'  home  somewhere;  Protestant;  American 
parentage;  father  works  in  saw-mill. 

Complaints. 
1888 — Dec.  4,  by  a  Teacher:  Disorderly  in  her 
classes  and  impudent  when  reproved  (locked  out 
of  school). 

'7  * 


258  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Dec.  14,  by  Dressmaker:  Doing  poor  work;  feign- 
ing ignorance  of  all  kinds  of  sewing,  which  she 
understands  (isolation). 

Dec.  28,  by  Night  Watchman:  Quarreling,  pull- 
ing another  girl's  hair  out  by  the  handful,  scratch- 
ing her  face,  and  calling  her  vile  names  (deprived 
of  afternoon  recreation). 

1889 — Jan.  12,  by  Dressmaker:  Talking  and  dis- 
order at  table,  during  past  week  twice  a  day  (1 
week). 

Jan.  25,  by  Laundress:  She  and  Miss  F.  appropri- 
ating to  their  own  use  handkerchiefs  belonging  to 
first-division  girls,  also  contention  in  the  breakfast- 
room  (2  weeks). 

Feb.  9,  by  Teacher  A.:  Talking  in  a  vulgar  man- 
ner for  the  benefit  of  her  class  about  the  things  she 
saw  on  her  sleigh-ride  (whipped). 

Feb.  21,  by  Laundress:  Impudent  every  day 
(locked  in  her  room  till  23d  Feb.). 

Feb.  24,  by  Teacher  B.:  Disorder  in  chapel;  when 
motioned  to,  continued  to  laugh  throughout  the 
service;  was  spoken  to,  and  replied  in  an  insolent 
manner;  said  she  usually  behaved  much  worse. 

March  4:  Disposition  never  good  for  more  than 
half  a  day  at  a  time;  she  apologized  to  teacher 
(offense  overlooked). 

March  n,  by  Dressmaker:  Laughing,  talking, 
and  general  disorder  at  table  twice  every  day  (1 
week). 

April  5,  by  Dressmaker:  Talking  and  disorder 
at  table  twice  every  day  (2  weeks). 

April  12,  by  Laundress:  Quarreling  hourly;  neg- 


PURE    MEANNESS.  159 

lecting  her  work  to  meddle  with  that  of  others; 
playing  pranks  during  my  temporary  absence,  and 
exasperating  insolence  (whipped,  April  15). 

May  19,  by  Caretaker:  Defiantly  disorderly  in 
the  dormitory  long  after  bedtime,  and  so  disturb- 
ing every  one  (May  20,  whipped). 

July  27,  by  Caretaker:  Being  very  uneasy,  al- 
ways spilling  the  water  or  tea  and  talking  without 
cessation  (1  week). 

Aug.  8,  by  Laundress:  Daily  quarreling  with 
Miss  H.  on  play-ground,  impudent  (1  week). 

Aug.  17,  by  Dressmaker:  Diabolical  conduct  for 
three  days  in  succession  (confined  in  her  room  one 
week). 

Sept.  6:  Throwing  kisses  at  the  boys  as  they 
pass  through  the  yard. 

Sept.  14:  Using  profane  language  (4  weeks). 

Sept.  19,  by  Dressmaker:  Defiance  and  impu- 
dence. "  I  will  and  I  won't,"  common  expressions 
(the  Lodge).1 

Sept.  20,  by  Dressmaker:  Poor  work;  impudence 
before  the  whole  division. 

Oct.  5,  by  Dressmaker:  Always  ready  for  a  fight 
and  exhibition  of  temper  (2  weeks;  just  released 
from  Lodge  on  parole,  upon  most  earnest  promises 
of  good  behavior,  violated  every  day). 

Oct.  6,  by  Laundress:  Disorder  at  breakfast  (no 
breakfast  Sunday  morning,  Oct.  12th). 

Oct.  11,   Caretaker:    Impudent   and    trying   to 


1  Place  of  confinement. 


a6o  CRIMINOLOGY. 

attract  attention  of  boys  during  recreation  hour 
(Oct.  14th,  no  more  recreation  for  the  week). 

Oct.  19,  Dressmaker:  Tearing  her  work  when 
it  does  not  go  to  suit  her;  impudence  as  usual 
(Oct.  19th,  the  Lodge). 

Dec.  5,  Caretaker:  Making  noise  with  the  dishes; 
talking  at  table  (Dec.  14th,  1  week). 

1890 — Jan.  4,  by  Teacher:  Worst  possible  con* 
duct  at  school  (Jan.  4th,  expelled  from  school  and 
put  in  the  Lodge). 

Jan.  6,  by  Night-watch:  Vulgar  language  at  play. 

Jan.  8,  by  Dressmaker:  Exhibiting  her  temper 
by  breaking  her  machine  needle;  slamming  her 
work  around  and  dishes  at  meals  (Jan.  10th,  caused 
by  penalty  of  Jan.  4th). 

Jan.  31,  by  Housekeeper:  Talking  and  disturb- 
ing after  locking  (Jan.  31st,  1  week). 

April  ii,  by  Dressmaker:  Insubordination  every 
day  for  the  past  week  (she  is  a  fit  subject  for  the 
lunatic  asylum). 

May  3,  by  Dressmaker:  Studying  how  to  break 
every  known  rule;  incorrigible  (confined  *o  her 
room). 

May  22,  by  Dressmaker:  Disorderly  everywhere; 
throwing  articles  in  anger;  defiant,  willful,  and 
lazy  (rest  cure). 

June  11,  by  Dressmaker:  Talking  and  disorderly 
at  dinner  (2  weeks). 

June  16,  by  Dressmaker:  Furious  anger  because 
she  could  not  go  to  A.'s  funeral;  disorderly  and 
insolent  in  dining-room;  perfectly  reckless  of  law 
and  order  in  the  department;  a  " tantum"  lasting 


PURE    MEANNESS.  36 1 

several  hours ;  her  power  of  annoying  baffles 
description  (4  weeks). 

June  20,  by  Dressmaker:  Open  rebellion  during 
five  days;  breaking  every  well-known  rule;  saying 
she  never  "  feared  any  one  in  her  life,  and  she  never 
would  "  (4  weeks)  . 

Since  June  20  till  Oct.  2,  1890,  when  Miss  "  E  " 
was  discharged,  there  were  verbal  complaints 
almost  daily  which,  summed  up,  would  be  under 
the  head  of  general  insubordination  with  abusive 
and  profane  language,  etc. 

After  Miss  "  E  "  had  been  home  with  her  father 
six  or  eight  weeks,  he  wrote  that  she  was  beyond 
his  control;  that  he  had  obtained  seven  or  eight 
places  for  her  in  families,  but  no  one  would  keep 
her.  As  Miss  "  E  "  was  of  age,  no  quarterly  reports 
to  the  institution  could  be  required  of  her.  She 
wrote  but  one  letter  (soon  after  her  discharge)  to 
the  institution,  the  motive  of  which  seemed  to  be 
to  give  information  of  the  festive  life  she  was  lead- 
ing in  her  own  town,  and,  she  would  have  it  thought, 
under  her  father's  care. 

Testimony  as  to  Miss  "  E." 

Superintendent:  "  She  does  not  want  to  sit  still; 
is  restless;  was  seriously  sick  with  diphtheria  and 
very  irritable  after  that;  wants  to  get  mad;  has 
'cheek'  in  contemptible  way;  she  is  always  at  war 
with  the  conditions;  very  active;  speaks  clearly, 
speech  flows  easily;  swears  just  like  boys,  and  uses 
obscene  words;  does  not  care  for  boys  so  much; 
she  is  not  sneaky,  but  acts  openly  and  defiantly; 


26a  CRIMINOLOGY. 

she  is  not  a  thief;  never  caught  her  actually  steal- 
ing a  thing;  always  pale  when  she  is  mad,  she 
wants  to  be  noticed;  she  has  a  trick  of  calling  for 
something  else  after  she  has  eaten  all  she  wants;  it 
is  refused,  then  she  flies  into  a  passion;  she  does 
not  throw  anything,  she  does  not  destoy  her  prop- 
erty; she  never  attacked  any  of  the  officers;  but  has 
attacked  the  girls;  she  does  this  when  excited  by 
jealousy;  she  never  tries  to  escape  or  talks  about 
it;  she  has  grown  worse  in  more  frequent  attacks 
and  especially  during  her  sickness;  and  is  better  in 
making  some  effort  to  be  good.  Her  medical  cer- 
tificate put  down  her  character  as  questionable; 
she  has  had  one  miscarriage;  she  was  going  to  pray 
to  God  to  help  her  to  confess;  she  admits  having 
connection  with  a  man,  but  denies  the  miscar- 
riage." 

Chaplain:  "Miss'E*  admitted  leading  an  aban- 
doned life;  her  mother  was  a  prostitute;  she  was 

adopted  by  Mrs. ,  then  by  Mrs.  L.,  then  by 

Mrs.  S.  remaining  a  year,  then  by  Mrs.  H.,  then  by 
uncle;  entire  family  are  morally  bad;  she  ran  away 
from  her  aunt,  and  made  bad  people  her  compan- 
ions, she  has  a  fiery  disposition  bordering  on  in- 
sanity; she  became  a  little  interested  in  the  relig- 
ious meetings;  she  was  very  angry  because  she 
could  not  go  with  the  girls  to  join  the  church. 
She  cried  when  I  talked  with  her  about  her  tem- 
per; she  said  she  could  not  control  herself,  but  did 
not  cry  when  relating  her  history.  She  said:  '  I 
can't  even  wear  a  badge,  I  try,  but  everybody  seems 
to  be  against  me.    I  liked  handiwork,  but  did  not 


PURE    MEANNESS.  263 

want  to  sew,  I  want  some  nice  easy  place  in  a  nice 
family,  where  I  will  have  little  work  and  an  easy 
time.' " 

Interview  with  Miss  "  E." 

"My  mother  was  a  run-about;  she  brought  a 
man,  and  said  he  was  my  father;  she  went  with 
another  man,  also;  my  father  treated  me  well  some- 
times; my  uncle  used  to  whip  me.  I  can't  help  it, 
I  always  tell  the  truth;  the  strap  never  takes  anything 
out  of  me.  I  feel  my  face  burn  when  I  get  angry.  I 
am  disobedient;  I  have  the  most  patience  at  my 
work.  My  uncle  whipped  me  six  times;  my  mothei 
hit  me  with  a  big  iron  spoon  when  I  was  two  years 
old.  My  grandpa  would  slap  me  hard;  he  threw 
his  boot  at  me  once;  he  struck  me  across  the  back 
with  a  box  ;  my  Uncle  J.  used  to  tie  me  to  the 
bedpost  and  whip  me  with  a  strap,  letting  the 
buckle  hit  me,  this  made  me  spunky;  my  Uncle 
J.'s  wife  would  talk  vulgar.  Charlie  A.,  married 
man,  he  was  not  a  good  man,  I  don't  want  to  tell 
what  he  did  to  me,  all  the  way  I  can  express  it  is 
that  he  spoilt  my  character;  his  wife  was  a  good 
woman,  they  were  poor.  When  I  get  angry  I 
don't  know  what  I  am  saying,  my  sister  was 
adopted  because  mother  was  not  a  nice  woman 
to  bring  up  children.  My  mother  went  with  other 
men;  they  used  to  rent  me  out  when  I  was  thirteen; 
bringing  men  into  the  house,  charging  25  cents." 

Craniological  Examination. — Width  of  head,  146 
mm.;  length  from  glabella  to  occ.  prot,  173  mm.; 
maximum  length  of  head,  173  mm.;  width  above 


264  CRIMINOLOGY, 

tragus,  127  mm.;  width  between  zyg.  arches, 
122  mm.;  width  between  external  edge  of  orbits, 
90  mm. ;  distance  between  outer  corners  of  eyes, 
80  mm.;  distance  between  inner  corners  of  eyes, 
—  mm.;  width  between  prot.  malaria,  97  mm.* 
width  between  gonia,  80  mm.;  distance  from  chin 
to  hair,  127  mm.,  distance  from  chin  to  root  of 
nose,  96  mm.;  distance  from  chin  to  base  of  nose, 
62  mm.;  distance  from  chin  to  mouth,  41  mm.; 
distance  from  chin  to  tragus,  104  mm.;  distance 
from  tragus  to  root  of  nose,  91  mm.;  length  of 
ear,  57  mm.;  length  of  nose,  41  mm.;  height  of 
nose,  38  mm.;  elevation  of  nose,  15  mm.;  width  of 
nose,  28  mm.;  width  of  mouth,  45  mm.;  thickness 
of  lips,  10  mm.;  horizontal  circumference  of  head, 
533  mm.;  vertical  circumference  of  head,  329  mm.; 
sagittal  circumference  of  head,  —  mm.;  angle  of 
profile,  630;  nationality  of  father,  American;  nation- 
ality of  mother,  American;  occupation,  none;  color 
of  eye,  bluish  gray  ;  color  of  hair,  light.  Remarks: 
general  symmetrical  head  ;  assimilation,  fair. 

Physical  Examination  (by  Physician  of  Institu- 
tion) :  All  functions,  normal;  circulation,  good; 
heart,  normal;  respiration,  17;  pulse,  70;  digestion, 
perfect ;  no  anomalies ;  girth  of  thorax,  787 
mm.;  girth  of  waist,  609  mm.;  girth  of  calf  of 
leg,  310  mm.;  weight,  42.18  kilos;  physical  anom- 
alies, none. 

A  utobiography. 

"The  first  of  my  life  I  went  to  live  with  my 
grandmother,  and  she  was  not  a  good  woman,  and 


PURE    MEANNESS.  265 

she  taught  me  wrong  things  when  my  father  was 
not  there,  and  she  had  a  son  that  was  very  bad, 
and  would  insult  me  often,  and  if  I  would  say  any- 
thing to  him  my  grandmother  would  whip  me,  and 
I  would  not  dare  to  tell  my  father  for  fear  of  get- 
ting another  whipping;  and  I  lived  like  that  for 
about  six  years,  when  my  grandmother  died,  and 
then  I  lived  with  my  uncle;  and  he  used  to  scold 
and  whip  me  when  his  wife  was  there,  and  when 
she  was  gone  he  would  insult  me.  He  would  say, 
If  you  dare  to  tell  Martha,  I  will  whip  you  till  you 
can't  stand  on  your  feet;  and  so  you  see  I  was 
small  and  did  not  dare  to  tell  my  father,  and  then 
my  Aunt  Mary  wanted  me  to  live  with  her,  and 
take  care  of  her  baby;  and  I  went  there  and  she 
did  not  get  me  anything  to  wear,  nor  paid  me  a 
cent,  and  then  it  made  me  angry,  and  then  I  said 
if  I  could  not  get  paid  for  honest  work  I  can  be 
paid  for  dishonest  work,  and  so  I  did,  and  then  I 
went  down  to  H.,  and  stayed  to  some  houses  and 
went  wherever  I  wanted  to,  and  when  I  got  tired 
of  that  I  went  back  to  my  father's  and  told  him  I 
wanted  a  place  to  work  and  then  I  went  to  C,  and 
lived  with  Mrs.  B.,  and  she  was  very  kind  to  me; 
and  in  a  short  time  Mr.  and  Mrs.  S.  from  A.  came 
after  me  to  live  with  them,  and  after  I  had  been 
there  a  short  time  my  mother  came  after  me  and 
I  would  not  go  with  her,  and  when  she  saw  I 
would  not  go  she  tried  to  get  some  men  to  steal 
me  at  night  when  I  would  go  to  some  of  our 
neighbors;  and  then  I  wrote  and  told  my  father 
and  he  came  and  took  me  to  H.  where  he  boarded 


266  CRIMINOLOGY. 

and  was  there  awhile;  and  then  I  thought  I  could 
do  as  I  pleased,  and  then  I  came  to  where  I  am 
writing  this.  That  is  all  I  can  remember  about 
myself  now."  Signed  by  Miss  "  E." 

"  Mr.  Mac  Donald — You  say  you  wanted  to  know 
what  would  help  me,  the  only  thing  that  will  help 
me  is  to  have  my  father  and  mother  live  together 
and  me  live  with  them,  now  I  have  told  you  all  I 
have  done  and  what  would  make  me  a  good  girl. 
Please  excuse  my  writing  for  I  have  had  a  little 
trouble1  in  my  department  this  morning,  so  this  is 
all."  Signed  by  Miss  "  E." 

Conclusion. 

It  is  quite  evident,  that  the  early  surroundings  of 
this  girl  are  sufficient  to  account  for  her  meanness 
and  criminality.  Had  she  had  good  bringing  up, 
she  no  doubt  would  have  been  a  disagreeable  and 
spunky  girl,  but  not  a  criminal. 

In  her  interview  she  was  pleasant  and  is  not  un- 
prepossessing, and  one  could  hardly  suspect  that 
she  was  what  she  was.  It  is  not  difficult  to  proph- 
esy her  future. 

HISTORY   OF   "  F  "    (FROM    RECORDS   OF   INSTITUTION). 

Received  Feb.  22,  1890;  offense,  petit  larceny; 
complainant,  grandfather;  plea,  guilty.  Father, 
American;  intemperate;  no  insanity  or  epilepsy  in 
family;  father  was  a  lumberman;  he  reads 
and    writes;     father    was    arrested    for    getting 


1  The  "  trouble  "  was  a  fight. 


PURE     MEANNESS.  267 

money  on  a  check,  and  convicted  and  sent  to  State 
prison;  mother  is  a  hotel  cook;  parents  are  sepa- 
rated; "  F  "  resided  with  grandparents  seven  years; 
attended  Sunday-school  with  grandparents;  never 
arrested  before;  sent  here  for  forging  his  grand- 
father's name  to  a  request  for  money  addressed  to 
the  boy's  aunt;  he  obtained  four  dollars;  age,  15 
years  July  12,  1889;  blue  eyes;  strong  and  well;  a 
little  coarse;  brown  hair;  fair  clothing;  dark  com- 
plexion; weight,  on  admission,  132  lbs.;  May,  1890, 
137  lbs.;  height,  on  admission,  5ft.  4^  in.;  May, 
1890,  5  ft.  5  in.;  chest,  on  admission,  33-35  in.; 
May,  1890,  32-36  inches;  education,  4th  Reader; 
deficient  in  arithmetic;  previous  occupation,  canal 
driver. 

Complaints. 

1890 — March  24,  by  Teacher:  Replying  to  a  re- 
quest to  keep  still  at  table  in  an  impudent  and  vul- 
gar manner;  at  first  he  denied  it;  but  said  after- 
wards he  might  have  misunderstood  what  he  said 
(admits,  reprimanded). 

April  4,  by  Patrolman:  Scuffling  with  other  boys 
in  the  yard;  very  disorderly  to-day;  pays  no  atten- 
tion to  any  warnings  (admits,  held  open). 

April  7,  by  Patrolman:  Scuffling  and  boxing  with 
the  boy  "K.";  throwing  him  down  and  tearing 
his  clothes;  had  to  speak  to  him  Sunday  after- 
noon. 

April  27,  by  Gardener:  Disobedient,  saucy,  and 
unruly  to  his  captain;  could  not  be  corrected  by 
him,  bad  conduct  all  day  (5  weeks). 


268  CRIMINOLOGY. 

April  30,  by  Teacher:  School-room  offense  with 
nine  others  (each  one  1  week). 

May  2:  Striking  the  boy  in  front  of  him  in  the 
neck  (4  weeks). 

May  7:  Using  vile  language  at  the  supper-table, 
because  the  bread  was  not  passed  (admits;  3 
weeks). 

May  8,  by  Blacksmith:  Left  the  shop  this  morn- 
ing to  go  to  1st  A.  drill,  but  went  to  the  water- 
closet,  from  where  he  had  just  come;  I  gave  orders 
to  go  to  drill. 

May  9,  by  Watchman:  Going  into  R dormi- 
tory this  morning. 

May  13,  by  Patrolman:  Disorderly  on  parade; 
running  across  the  seats  in  water-closet  (admits). 

May  19,  by  Carpenter:  For  disorder  in  W.  C. 
(admits). 

June  5,  by  Watchman:  Talking  across  the  hall 
and  fooling  with  boy  "S.";  told  him  to  obey;  he 
refused  (3  weeks). 

Testimony  as  to  "  F." 

Chaplain:  "  F  "  is  not  an  attendant  at  church; 
was  in  school  till  12  years  of  age,  since  then  he  has 
worked  on  canal  in  summer  and  been  idle  in  win- 
ter; he  was  a  periodical  attendant  at  Methodist 
church;  his  home  training  was  very  poor;  he  for- 
merly used  tobacco,  but  has  abstained  for  a  year; 
he  uses  profane,  language.  He  was  idle  when 
arrested.  His  family  don't  attend  church;  his 
grandparents  do;  "  F's "  father  is  a  habitual 
drunkard;  not  arrested;  the  boy's  record  is  bad; 


PURE     MEANNESS.  269 

his  grandparents  did  all  they  could  to  bring  him 
up  right;  but  the  characters  of  his  father  and 
mother  were  said  to  be  bad." 

Interview  with  "  P? 

"  F  "  says:  "  I  wanted  to  get  four  dollars  to  go 
down  to  W.  to  get  work,  so  I  '  pulled  '  my  grand- 
father. My  father  used  to  whip  me  for  lots  of 
things;  sometimes  he  would  kick  me  all  over;  he 
would  whip  me  three  or  four  times  a  year.  My 
grandparents  are  poor,  so  they  sent  me  here.  I  in- 
tended to  behave  myself,  but  they  would  not  be- 
lieve it.  My  grandparents  treated  me  all  right. 
My  father  and  mother  separated  at  the  time  I  was 
nine  years  old;  my  father  never  hit  my  mother; 
and  never  hit  me  when  she  was  around.  I  was 
about  6  years  old  when  I  was  sent  for  the  first 
time  from  my  parents.  My  father  would  whip  me 
when  I  would  not  give  him  what  money  I  had.  I 
did  not  think  my  forging  would  turn  out  like  it 
did.  I  intended  to  pay  it  back.  My  father  was  in 
prison  three  years;  another  boy  told  me  how  to 
forge;  he  said  my  parents  would  not  arrest  me. 
I  never  stole  anything  in  my  life.  I  went  to  five 
or  six  different  places  and  came  away  of  my  own 
accord  and  then  told  my  grandparents  that  they 
sent  me  home  for  a  little  while;  after  that,  I  would 
go  to  other  relatives  and  visit  awhile  and  help  them 
if  they  wanted  me  to.  I  got  mad  quite  cften.  I 
don't  get  mad  at  the  officers,  but  at  the  boys.  I 
used  to  get  mad  at  the  boys  before  I  came  here.  I 
was  always  getting  mad,  I  was  always  liked  (?)  by 


270  CRIMINOLOGY. 

the  boys,  they  asked  me  to  go  with  them.  I  never 
got  mad  first.  My  mother  left  my  father  because 
he  spent  the  money  for  drink.  I  would  stay  at 
each  place  about  a  month,  and  then  leave  of  my 
own  accord,  I  would  tell  my  relatives  that  I  did 
not  like  it;  did  not  like  to  work  there." 

Craniological  Examination. — Width  of  head,  142 
mm.;  length  from  glabella  to  occ.  prot.,  194  mm.; 
maximum  length  of  head,  194  mm.;  width  above 
tragus,  127  mm.;  width  between  zyg.  arches,  120 
mm.;  width  between  external  edge  of  orbits,  102 
mm.;  distance  between  outer  corners  of  eyes,  89 
mm.;  distance  between  inner  corners  of  eyes,  32 
mm.;  width  between  protaria  malaria,  140  mm.; 
width  between  gonia,  85  mm.;  distance  from  chin 
to  hair,  178  mm.;  distance  from  chin  to  root  of 
nose,  120  mm.;  distance  from  chin  to  base  of  nose, 
80  mm.;  distance  from  chin  to  mouth,  32  mm.;  dis- 
tance from  chin  to  tragus,  125  mm.;  distance  from 
tragus  to  root  of  nose,  106  mm.;  length  of  ear,  57 
mm.;  length  of  nose,  45  mm.;  height  of  nose,  40 
mm.;  elevation  of  nose,  15  mm.;  width  of  nose,  29 
mm.;  width  of  mouth,  45  mm.;  thickness  of  lips, 
16  mm.;  horizontal  circumference  of  head,  571 
mm.;  vertical  circumference  of  head.  365  mm.; 
sagittal  circumference  of  head,  358  mm.;  angle  of 
profile,  648;  maximum  distance  from  chin  to  back 
of  head,  255  mm.;  forehead  retreats  somewhat; 
large  and  thick-set  body;  fairly  proportioned;  flat 
nose. 

Physical  Examination  (by  Physician  of  Institu- 
tion)'.  Vegetable   functions,    normal;    circulation, 


PURE     MEANNESS.  271 

good;  respiration,  16;  digestion,  good;  anomalies, 
none;  girth  of  thorax,  33^-36  inches;  girth  of 
waist,  29  inches;  girth  of  thigh,  20^  inches;  girth 
of  calf  of  leg,  14  inches;  weight,  142  lbs.;  pulse,  74. 

Conclusion. 

Surroundings  evidently  made  this  boy  a  crimi- 
nal, and  drunkenness  gave  the  initiatory.  The 
boy  is  rather  dull  and  slow  generally — and  very 
unprepossessing  in  appearance. 

GENERAL  PRACTICAL  CONCLUSIONS. 

As  to  the  directly  practical  side  of  crime  and  its 
prevention,  the  State  has  made  and  is  making  ex- 
periments. But  sociological  experience  of  this 
nature  requires  much  time  and  numerous  tests  in 
order  to  warrant  trustworthy  conclusions;  and  at 
best  they  are  tentative  in  nature,  for  social  science 
is  in  its  formative  period.  Yet  there  is  ground  for 
making  certain  practical  conclusions  that  may  be 
called  probable  : 

First:  It  is  detrimental  financially,  as  well  as 
socially  and  morally,  to  release  prisoners  when 
there  is  probability  of  their  returning  to  crime;  for 
in  this  case,  the  convict  is  less  expensive  than  the 
ex-convict. 

Second:  The  determinate  sentence  permits  many 
prisoners  to  be  released,  who  are  morally  certain 
to  return  to  crime.  The  indeterminate  sentence 
is  the  best  method  of  affording  the  prisoner  an 
opportunity  to  reform,  without  exposing  society 
to  unnecessary  dangers. 


27*  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Third:  The  ground  for  the  imprisonment  of  the 
criminal  is,  first  of  all,  because  he  is  dangerous  to 
society.  This  principle  avoids  the  uncertainty  that 
may  rest  upon  the  decision  as  to  the  degree  of 
freedom;  for  upon  this  last  principle  some  of  the 
most  brutal  crimes  would  receive  a  light  punish- 
ment. 

Fourth:  The  publication  in  the  newspapers  of 
criminal  details  and  photographs  is  a  positive  evil 
to  society,  on  account  of  the  law  of  imitation;  and, 
in  addition,  it  makes  the  criminal  proud  of  his 
record,  and  develops  the  morbid  curiosity  of  the 
people.  And  it  is  especially  the  mentally  and 
morally  weak  who  are  affected. 

Fifth:  It  is  admitted  by  some  of  the  most  intelli- 
gent criminals,  and  by  prison  officers  in  general, 
that  the  criminal  is  a  fool;  for  he  is  opposing  him- 
self to  the  best,  the  largest,  and  the  strongest  por- 
tion of  society,  and  is  almost  sure  to  fail. 

As  to  the  scientific  study,  cure,  and  prevention 
of  crime,  it  may  be  said,  in  brief,  that  the  method 
of  the  scientific  study  of  criminals  is  a  thorough 
investigation  of  the  criminal  himself,  both  psycho- 
logically and  physically,  so  that  the  underlying 
and  constant  cause  of  crime  can  be  traced  out. 
There  is  no  other  rational  road  to  the  prevention 
and  repression  of  crime.  Whatever  the  remedy, 
the  causes  must  be  studied  first.  Negative  results 
are  as  important  as  positive,  to  science.  If  it 
should  be  shown  that  some  crime  is  incurable, 


CRIMINOLOGY.  aj2  * 

that  would  be  valuable  to  know,  especially  what 
degree  of  reformation  can  be  expected.  If,  as 
Lombroso  thinks,  crime  is  a  return  to  the  primi- 
tive and  barbarous  state  of  our  ancestors,  the 
criminal  being  a  savage  born  into  modern  civiliza- 
tion, then  for  such  there  is  little  hope  of  reforma- 
tion. But  these  are  criminals  by  nature  and  con- 
stitute a  very  small  proportion,  less  than  one- 
tenth.  The  French  school  of  criminology  has 
shown  that  the  greater  part  of  crime  arises  out  of 
social  conditions,  and  hence  is  amenable  to  refor- 
mation, by  the  changing  of  these  conditions. 
Buechner  says  that  defect  of  intelligence,  poverty, 
and  want  of  education  are  the  three  great  factors 
in  crime.  Major  McClaughry,  of  wide  prison  ex- 
perience, and  chief  of  the  Chicago  police,  con- 
siders criminal  parentage  and  associations,  and 
neglect  of  children  by  their  parents,  as  first  among 
the  causes  of  the  criminal  class.  D'Olivererona, 
author  of  a  French  work  on  habitual  criminality, 
asserts  that  three-fourths  of  those  who  enter  prison 
have  been  conducted  to  crime  from  the  results  of 
a  neglected  education. 

Now,  education,  in  the  narrow  sense  of  mere 
intellectual  instruction,  is  not  suffcient  to  reform 
children  who  spend  one-fourth  of  the  day  in  school, 
and  three-fourths  on  the  street  or  with  criminal, 
drunken,  or  idle  parents.  But  are  there  not  Re- 
form Schools?  Yes;  but  no  provision  has  been 
made  for  the  little  children.  Not  a  few  of  the  in- 
mates of  reformatories  come  there  practically  in- 
corrigible, and  the  testimony  of  prison  wardens  is, 


27a  b  CRIMINOLOGY. 

that  some  of  the  most  hopeless  prisoners  are 
graduates  of  the  Reform  Schools.  The  fault  is 
not  in  the  reform  schools,  but  in  allowing  children 
to  live  the  first  years  of  their  life  in  surroundings 
that  almost  predestine  to  crime.  Reformatories 
are  expected  to  erase  the  indelible  criminal  im- 
pressions made  upon  children  from  birth,  or  be- 
fore, till  the  age  of  six.  Insttad  of  deserving  crit- 
icism, the  wonder  is  that  reformatories  do  as  much 
as  they  do.  In  brief,  it  is  useless  to  expect  any 
great  decrease  in  crime,  especially  habitual  crime, 
until  very  young  children  are  properly  cared  for; 
that  is,  until  they  receive  the  moral  and  social 
education  of  a  home  or  home-like  institution. 
This  is  the  foundation  of  all  prevention  of  crime. 
But  much  remains  to  be  done  after  a  child  has  had 
this  good  start,  for  there  are  still  dangers  of  falling 
into  crime.  The  method  of  prevention,  from  this 
stage  on,  consists  in  moral,  mental,  and  physical 
training;  in  other  words,  education  in  the  true 
sense. 

The  criminally  inclined  are  especially  weak  in 
moral  impulse,  and  below  the  average  in  intellect 
and  physique.  The  education  of  the  will  is  the 
main  factor,  but  the  training  of  the  intellect  and 
sentiments  are  necessary  to  this  end.  The  remedy, 
therefore,  for  crime  must  be  general,  gradual,  and 
constant  j  there  is  no  specific.  Every  reformatory  is 
a  school  in  which  emphasis  is  laid  upon  moral  and 
industrial  habits,  which  in  the  young  become,  as  it 
were,  a  part  of  their  nervous  organization.  This  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  moral  individuals,  when 


CRIMINOLOGY.  2-J2  € 

hypnotized,  unconsciously  resist  evil  suggestions. 
When  passion,  perplexity,  or  temptation  causes 
the  loss  of  self-control,  then  it  is  that  good  habits 
implanted  in  childhood  and  woven  into  the  con- 
stitution, overcome  evil  and  criminal  impulses. 
The  force  of  habit  is  as  strong  for  good  as  it  is  for 
evil. 

One  of  the  principal  facts  brought  out  at  the 
late  National  Prison  Congress  at  Baltimore  was 
that  all  prisons  should  be  reformatories".  All  men, 
no  matter  how  old  in  crime,  can  at  least  be  im- 
proved and  benefited.  That  is  to  say,  the  best 
prisons"  of  the  future  will  be  reformatory  prisons, 
and  the  main  means  of  reform  will  be  the  inculca- 
tion of  good  mental,  moral,  physical,  and  indus- 
trial habits ;  in  other  words,  education. 


PART   III. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CRIME. 


iS 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CRIME. 


ENGLISH. 

Adshead,  J.    Prisons  and  Prisoners     London,  1845. 

Adshead,  J.  Juvenile  Criminals,  Reformatories,  and  the 
Means  of  Rendering  the  Perishing  and  the  Dangerous 
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Andrews,  W.  Punishments  in  the  Olden  Time,  pp.  76.  Lon- 
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Andrews,  W.  Illustrations  for  a  Paper  on  Obsolete  Punish- 
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Annual  Reports  of  the  Inspectors  of  the  State  Penitentiary 
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Archer,  T.  The  Pauper,  the  Thief,  and  the  Convict; 
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Bache,  F.  Observations  on  the  Penitentiary  System.  Phila- 
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Bailey,  J.  B.  The  Condition  of  Gaols  as  Described  by  John 
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Baker,  T.  Barwick.  War  With  Crime,  pp.  299.  London,  1889. 

Baldwin,  S.  E.  Habitual  Criminals.  American  Journal  of 
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Barnard,  Henry.  Mettray ;  Its  Rise  and  Progress.  Bar- 
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Barnard,  Henry.  The  Red  Lodge  Girl's  Reformatory 
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376  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Barnard,  Henry.  Reformatory  Education.  Barnard's  Amer- 
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Barnard,  Henry.  Institution  of  Pastor  Fliedner  at  Kais- 
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Barnard,  Henry.  Seminary  for  Orphan  and  Destitute  Chil- 
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Barnard,  Henry.  Reform  School  of  the  "  Rauhe-haus  "  at 
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Education,  Vol.  Hi.,  pp.  10.     1857. 

Barnard,  Henry.  Reform  School,  or  Colonie  Agricole,  at 
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Barrester.    Capital  Punishment.    London,  1879. 

Barrow,  T.  P.  A  Month  in  Her  Majesty's  Prison,  Leices- 
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Beccaria,  C.  B.,  Marchese  di.  Essay  on  Crimes  and  Punish- 
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Beggs,  T.  Extent  and  Causes  of  Juvenile  Depravity.  Lon- 
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Benedikt,  M.  Anatomical  Studies  Upon  Brains  of  Crim- 
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Bentham,  J.  Panopticom ;  or,  The  Inspection  House.  Lon- 
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Boston  Prison  Discipline  Society  Reports,  1826-53.  Boston, 
1855. 

Bowen,  T.    Compassion  for  the  Prisoner.    London,  1817. 

Brace,  Charles  L.  The  Dangerous  Classes  of  New  York. 
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Brockway,  Z.  R.  Reformation  of  Prisoners.  American 
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Brockway,  Z.  R.  Indeterminate  Sentence  and  Conditional 
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tion of  the  United  States  for  1887. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY   OF  CRIME.  277 

Brush,  Warden.  Prison  Punishment.  Proceedings  of  Na- 
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Buel,  J.  W.    The  Border  Outlaws.    St.  Louis,  1881. 

Burt,  J.    Convict  Discipline  in  Ireland.    London,  1865. 

Buxtur,  Sir  T.  F.  Inquiry  Whether  Crime  and  Misery  Are 
Produced  or  Prevented  by  the  Present  System  of  Prison 
Discipline.    London,  181 8. 

Byrnes,  Thomas.  Professional  Criminals  of  America,  pp. 
433.    New  York,  1886. 

Campbell,  J.  Experience  of  a  Medical  Officer  in  the  Eng- 
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Cane,  Edm.  F.  du.  Punishment,  etc.  (Extract.)  London, 
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Cane,  Edm.  F.  du.  The  Punishment  and  Prevention  of 
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Capital  Punishment :  Dedicated  to  "  The  Church."  London, 
1867. 

Carpenter,  M.    Reformatory  Schools.    London,  1851. 

Carpenter,  M.  Condition  and  Treatment  of  Juvenile  Delin- 
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Carpenter,  Mary.    Our  Convicts.    2  vols.    London,  1864. 

Cassidy,  Warden.  Individual  System.  Proceedings  of 
National  Prison  Association  of  the  United  States  for 
1884. 

Cavendish,  Lady  F.    Criminal  Classes,  etc.,  New  R.  2. 

Charcot,  Dr.  J.  M.  Hypnotism  and  Crime,  The  Forum, 
April,  1890. 

Cherry,  Reh.  R.  Lectures  on  the  Growth  of  Criminal  Law 
in  Ancient  Communities.    London,  1891. 

Circulars  of  Information  of  United  States  Bureau  of  Educa- 
tion, No.  6,  1875,  Statements  Relating  to  Reformatory, 
Charitable,  and  Industrial  Schools  for  the  Young. 
Washington,  1875.   8vo. 

Clare,  C.  L.  Comparative  Statement  of  the  Cost  of  Her 
Majesty's  Prisons,  pp.  8.    London,  1880. 


a  78  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Clay.    The  Prison  Chaplain.    1861. 

Commons,  House  of.  The  Law  of  Homicide  and  of  Capital 
Punishment.     London,  1878. 

Commons,  House  of.  Debate  on  Bill  for  Abolition  of  Capital 
Punishment,  pp.  28.     London,  1881. 

Commons,  House  of.  Law  of  Homicide  and  Capital  Punish- 
ment.    London,  1881. 

Comstock,  A.    Frauds  Exposed,  pp.  576.    New  York,  1880. 

Comstock,  A.  Traps  for  the  Young,  pp.  252.  New  York,  1883. 

Convict  Life.  By  a  Ticket-of-Leave  Man,  pp.  248.  London, 
1880. 

Crawford.  Report  on  the  Penitentiaries  of  the  United  States. 
London,  1838. 

Crawford.  Description  of  the  Eastern  Penitentiary  for  the 
Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania.    Philadelphia,  1872. 

Criminal  Recorder ;  or,  An  Awful  Beacon  to  the  Rising 
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Curtis,  Gen.  M.  N.,  United  States  Congressman.  To  De- 
fine the  Crime  of  Murder,  Provide  Penalty  therefor, 
and  to  Abolish  the  Punishment  of  Death.  Speech  in 
House  of  Representatives,  June  9,  1892. 

Davitt,  M.  Leaves  from  a  Prison  Diary.  2  vols.  London, 
1885. 

Detective.    The  Ways  of  Swindlers,  pp.  87.    London,  1879. 

Dix,  D.  L.  Remarks  on  Prison  and  Prison  Discipline  in  the 
United  States.    Boston,  1845. 

Dixon,  W.  H.  The  London  Prisons  ;  with  a  Description  of 
the  Chief  Provincial  Prisons.    London,  1850. 

Dodge,  N.  S.  The  Netherlands  Mettray :  How  They  Dis- 
pose of  Dangerous  Juveniles  in  Holland,  p.  511.  Over- 
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Du  Cane,  Sir  E.  F.  Account  of  the  Manner  in  which  Sen- 
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Dumas,  A.  D.    Celebrated  Crimes.    London,  1843. 

Ellis,  Havelock.    The  Criminal,  pp.  337.    New  York,  1890. 

Falkner,  Dr.  Rolland  P.    Criminal  Statistics,  pp.  12. 

Falkner,  Dr.  Rolland  P.  Prison  Statistics  of  the  United 
States  for  1888,  pp.  34.    Philadelphia,  1889. 

Farrer,  James  A.  Crimes  and  Punishments,  including  a 
New  Translation  of  Beccarias's  "  Dei  delitti  e  delle 
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Farrer,  J.  A.  Crimes  and  Punishments,  pp.  251.  London, 
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Fay,  Francis  B.  True  Principles  of  Legislation  in  Respect 
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Fielding,  H.  Inquiry  Into  the  Causes  of  the  Late  Increase 
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Fletcher,  S.  W.  Twelve  Months  in  an  English  Prison, 
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Fry,  Elizabeth.  Observations  on  the  Visiting,  Superintend- 
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280  CRIMINOLOGY. 

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Harris,  A.  The  Economy  of  the  Fleet,  pp.  196.  London, 
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1  This  and  the  following  dates  designate  the  years  in  which 
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Burnett.  Joseph.  The  Proper  Construction  of  Prisons  for 
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Warner,  Charles  Dudley.  Education  as  a  Factor  in  Prison 
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Warner,  Charles  Dudley.  The  Extirpation  of  Criminals, 
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Wayland,  Francis.  Criminal  Law  Reform,  pp.  1 13-122.  1888. 

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302  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Wayland,  Francis.  The  Duties  of  a  Prison  Warden,  pp. 
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BIBLIOGRAPHY   OF   CRIME.  303 

Wines,  E.  C.  The  Death  Penalty :  Is  it  Commanded  by 
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Wines,  E.  C.  The  Present  Outlook  of  Prison  Discipline  in 
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Wines,  E.  C.  Transactions  of  the  Fourth  National  Prison 
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Wines,  Rev.  F.  H.  American  Prisons  in  the  Tenth  Census, 
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Wines,  Rev.  F.  H.  Conditional  Liberation ;  or  the  Parol- 
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Wines,  Rev.  F.  H.  Criminological  Results  in  the  Census  of 
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Wines,  Rev.  F.  H.  Religious  Aspect  of  the  Prison  Ques- 
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Wines,  Rev.  F.  H.  The  County  Jail  System,  pp.  426-445 : 
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Woodworth,  Rev.  James.  On  the  Need  of  Special 
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Woolsey,  Theodore  D.  Report  of  the  Standing  Committee 
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304  CRIMINOLOGY. 


Periodical  and  Press  Literature. 

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30,1892.     5000  words. 
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31,1892.    1,300  words. 
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Beaton,  P.    Crime  in  the  Army.    Good  Words  11 :  595. 
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Bemis,  E.  W.    The  Prison  System  in  Tennessee.    Congre- 

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May  22,  1892.    2,000  words. 
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20 


306  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Bigelow,  Henry.    New  and  Pathetic  Side  of  the  Famous 

Train  Robber  Sensation  in  Tulane  County,  etc.    S.  F. 

Examiner  Sept.  25,  1892.    7,000  words. 
Binsse,  L.  B.    Reformatory  a  Protectory  for  Prodigal  Sons. 

Cath.  World.  42  :  577. 
Bishop  Fitzgerald  on  Lynching.    Editorial  in  N.  Y.  Inde- 
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Bishop,  J.  B.    Contract  Labor  System  in  New  York  State. 

Nation  40  :  194. 
Bittinger,  J.  B.    Crime  of  Passion  and  Reflection.    Presb. 

Quar  2  :  219. 
Bittinger,  J.  B.  Education  and  Crime.    Luth.  Quar.  5  :  481. 
Bittinger,  J.  B.     Responsibility  of  Society  for  causes  of 

Crime.    Princ.  Rev.  43  :  18. 
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July,  1 89 1. 
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Mo.  15  :  656. 
Borden  Murder  Case.    Editorial,  Foster's  Wk.  Dem.  Aug. 

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1892.    8,ooo  words. 
Bowring,  J.    Prison  Labor.    Theol.  Rev.  5 !  415. 
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Boy  Criminals.    Editorial  in  Phila.  Nor.  American  Sep.  10, 

1892.    600  words. 
Boys  Behind  the  Bars.    Life  in  the  Pennsylvania  Industrial 

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Bramwell,  Lord.  Crime  and  Insanity.  19th  Cent.  18:893. 
Brigandage  in  Italy.    Editorial,  N,  Y,  Sun  Oct.  2,  1891. 

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Brigham,  C.  H.    Prison  Reform.    Unita.  Rev.  5  :  422. 
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Brockway,  Z.  R.    Indeterminate  Sentences  in  New  York. 

Amer.  Journ.  Soc.  Sci.  13  :  156. 
Brockway,  Z.  R.    Needed  Reforms  in  Prison  Management. 

North  Amer.  Rev.  1 37  :  40. 
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Sci.  Jour.  6  :  144. 
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May,  1892. 
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July,  1890. 
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Hand  Feb.,  1891. 
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Globe  Aug.  11,  1 89 1.     1,900  words. 
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Mag.  49  :  36. 
Burnet,  W.    Peeps  into  Prisons  of  Paris.     Good  Words 

15  :  601. 
Burnet,  W.    Prisons  of  Paris.    Good  Words  15  :  601. 
Bury  (de),  S.  B.    The  Problem  of  Crime  in  France.    Con- 

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7  :68,  117,143- 
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7  :  28. 
Byrnes,  Thomas.    City  Traps  for  Country  Boys.    Youth's 

Companion  Nov.  3,  1892.     1,000  words. 
Cable,  G.  W.    Convict  Lease  System  in  the  Southern  States. 

Century  5  :  582. 
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750  words. 
Cameos  from  Prison  Life.    Month  37  :  239. 


308  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Canoinco,  Tancred.     Prison    Reform.     Sanitarian  Aug., 

1892.    1,000  words. 
Capital  Punishment.    Editorial,  Seattle  Post-Intelligencer 

Aug.  13,  1892.    1,050  words. 
Carpenter,  Mary.    Visit  to  Prisons  of  Ireland.    Once  a 

Week  5  :  656. 
Case,  Mrs.  L.  O.    Women  as  Prisoners.    Topeka   Capital 

Sept.  11,  1892.     1,000  words. 
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Sep.  20,  1892.    1,000  words. 
Census  of  Homicide.     Seattle  Post-Intelligencer  Nov.  2, 

1892. 
Chadwick,  E.    Police   Force   and    Prevention   of   Crime. 

Fraser's  Mag.  77:  1. 
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Fortn.  Rev.  2 :  79. 
Chambers,  W.    Dealing  with  Criminals.    Chamb.  Journ. 

56:  273. 
Chandler,  Joseph  R.  Outlines  of. Penology.    Reprinted  from 

Penn.  Monthly,  pp.  25.    Philadelphia,  1875. 
Chicago  Female  Thugs.     Chicago  Times  Oct.  2,  1892. 

1,000  words. 
Chinese  Murder  Societies  in  San  Francisco.    Lincoln  Call 

Sept.  4,  1892.    1,700  words. 
Christine,  Geoffrey  W.    Mysterious  Murders.    Desert  News 

Aug.  29,  1892.    2,600  words. 
Church,  A.  A.    Prison  Bread.    Nature  19:  387. 
Clark,    Dr.    Daniel.     Crime    and    Responsibility.    Amer. 

Journ.  Insanity  April,  1891. 
Clay,  J.     Crime  and    Church-Going,  Intemperance    and 

Crime.    Journ.  Statis.  Soc.  20 :  22. 
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Journ.  Statis.  Soc.  20 :  378. 
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Soc.  Sci.  17  :  71. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY   OF   CRIME.  309 

Collin,  C.  A.    Moral   Education  in  Prisons.    New  Eng. 

lander  45:  473. 
Convict  Contract  System.    Editorial  in  Deseret  News  Aug. 

22,1892.     800  words. 
Convict  Labor.    Editorial,  N.  O.  Times-Democrat  Aug.  18, 

1892.    1,150  words. 
Convict   Labor  Problem.     Editorial  in    Mobile    Register 

Aug.  19,  1892.  700  words. 
Convict  Labor.    Providence  Journal  Aug.  23,  1893.   1,000 

words. 
Convict  Labor.    Youth's  Companion    Jan.  7,    1892,    750 

words. 
Cooley  Outlaw  Gang.    N.  Y.  Sun  Aug.  14,  1892.    7,0*0 

words. 
Corning,  J.  W.    Criminal  Anthropology  (Discussions  at 

Recent    Congress).    Christ,    Regis.    Sept.    15,    1892. 

1,600  words. 
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West  R.  30:  137 — Good  Words.    22:  458. 
Crapsey,  E.    Casual  Criminals.    Galaxy  1 1 :  827. 
Crapsey,  E.    Criminal  Case  in  Russia.    Galaxy  8 :  345. 
Crapsey,  E.    Private  Detectives.    Galaxy  11:  188. 
Crime  and  Credulity  on  the  Continent.    Dub.  Univ.  Mag. 

45  :  27. 
Crime  and  Criminal  Law  in  France.    London  Quarterly 

8:  92. 
Crime  and  English  Law.    Victoria  Mag.  23 :  68-240. 
Crime  and  Its  Consequences.    Dub.  Univ.  Mag.  34 :  383. 
Crime  and  Its  Prevention.    London  Mag.  23 :  246. 
Crime  and  Nationality,    Editorial,  N,  Y,  Post  July  28, 1802. 

1,300  words. 
Crime  and  Socialism.    Editorial,  in  To-day  Aug.  27,  1891. 

1,100  words. 
Crime  and  Suicide  in  England.    Spect.  64  :  585.     1890. 
Crime  in  Fiction.    Blackw.  Mag.  Aug.,  1890. 


310  CRIMINOLOGY 

Crime  and  Its  Treatment.    Editorial  in  London  Sat.  Rev. 

Oct.  29,  1892.     1,200  words. 
Crime  in  Cities  and  the  Police.    Editorial  in  Providence 

Jour.  Feb.  16,  1892.     1,200  words. 
Criminality,  A  New.    A  Study  of  Alcoholism  by  E.  P.  P. 

St.  Louis  Globe-Dem.  Feb.  21,  1892.    3,700  words. 
Crime  and  Criminal  Law  in  the  United  States.    Edin.  Rev. 

July,  1892. 
Crime  and  Its  Punishment.    Fraser's  Mag.  20  :  689. 
Crime,  Its  Causes  and  Punishment,    Bradstreet's  July  30, 

1892.     1,800  words. 
Crime  and  Its  Causes.    Editorial  in  N.  0.  Times-Dem. 

Aug.  28, 1892.     1,000  words. 
Criminological  Literature.    Sat.  Rev.  70  :  265.     1890. 
Criminal  of  the  Future.    Spect.  54  :  232.     1890. 
Criminal  Law  of  the  Future.    Jour.  Sci.  16  :  591. 
Croft,  H.  Taylor's  Treaties  on  Prisons.  Canad.  Jour.    (New 

Series)  4  :  286. 
Crofton,  Sir  W.    Prevention  of  Crime  by  the  State.    Good 

Words  16  :  204. 
Crofton,  Sir  W.    Prisons.    Fraser's  Mag.  87  :  101. 
Crofton,  Sir  W.    Supervision  of  Habitual  Criminals.    Good 

Words  16  :  433. 
Cruel  and  Unusual  Punishment.    (Case  of  O'Neil  vs.  State 

of  Vermont.)     Editorial  in  Seattle  Post-Intelligencer 

May  16,  1892.     2,700  words. 
Cummings,  C.  A.    Reformatory  Institutions.    Nor.  Amer. 

Rev.  86  :  60. 
Curiosities    of    Criminal    Law.     Leis.  Hour  50 :  58 ;  31  : 

282,  533. 
Curry,  D.    Increase  of  Crime.    Methodist  Q.  Rev.  45  :  609. 
Dana,  Rev.  M.  M.  G.    Preventive  Work    and  a  Model 

School.    Lend-A-Hand  April,  1891. 
Danger  in  New  York  Streets.    Gangs  of  Young  Criminals. 

N.  Y.  Press  Aug.  7.    2,500  words. 


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Davit  on  Imprisonment.    Spect.  58  :  82. 

Delboef,  J.    On  Criminal  Suggestion.    Monist,  April,  1892. 

Delvin,  R.  T.     Prison  Labor.    Overland  Mo.  (new  series) 

7  :  504. 

Dooley,  E.  T.  Treatment  of  Juvenile  Delinquents.  Over- 
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Douglass,  Frederick.  Lynch  Law  in  the  South.  Nor. 
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Drake,  J.  M.  Prison  Life,  Adventurous  Escape  from. 
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Dudley,  Oscar  L.  The  Illinois  Training-School  for  Boys 
Lend-A-Hand  May,  1891. 

Dugdale,  R.  L.    Origin  of  Crime  in  Society.    Atlan.  Mo. 

48:452,735;  49:243- 
Dunton,  Larkin.     Moral  Education.     Education,  Vol.  xi, 

Nosi  7,  8,  9,  10.     1891. 
Dupuy,  E.  A.    Convict's  Tale.    Knickerbocker  Mag.  37  : 

219. 
Dutton,  H.    Increase  of  Crimes  Against  Life.    New  Eng- 

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Dutton,  O.  H.     Female  Convicts.     Harper's    Mag.  28 : 

193- 

Egerton,  H.  Juvenile  Crime  and  the  19th  Century  Ishmael. 
National  Rev.  5  :  589. 

Eliot,  S.  A.    Prison  Discipline.    Christ.  Exm.  10  :  15. 

Eliot,  W.  G.  Treatment  of  Criminals.  Amer.  Soc.  Sci. 
Jour.  8  :  79. 

Elliott,  J.  H.  Increase  of  Material  Prosperity  and  Crime. 
Hunt's  Merchant's  Magazine  61 :  239. 

Elmira  Reformatory.    Lend-A-Hand  Journ.    April,  1892. 

Embery,  Mrs.  E.  C.  The  Prisoner.  Godey's  Ladies'  Bk. 
21  :  146. 

Escape  of  Criminals.    Spect.  56  :  894. 

Evans,  H.  R.  Study  of  Criminals ;  Interview  with  a  Spe- 
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312  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Everest,  R.    Crime  and  Pauperism.    De  Bow's  Commer. 

Rev.  19:  268. 
Everett,  E.    Prison  Discipline.    North  Amer.  Rev.  37:  117. 
Every  Lynching  Makes  More  Murders.    Editorial  in  St. 

Louis  Republic  March  5,  1892.    800  words. 
Factory  (The)  and  Crime.    To-Day  May  12,  1892.      550 

words. 
Fairfield,   F.  G.    Philosophy  of  Crime.    Appleton's  Journ. 

15:  15. 
Falkner,  R.  P.    Internat.  Criminal  Law  Association.    Ann. 

Amer.  Acad.  Pol.  Sci.  1  :  159. 
Fletcher,  J.    Progress  of  Crime  in  Great  Britain.    Journ. 

Statis.  Soc.  6 :  218. 
Fletcher,  J.     Education  and  Crime.    Journ.  Statis.  Soc. 

10:  193. 
Fletcher,  J.    Reformatory  Education.    Journ.  Statis.  Soc. 

15:  1. 
Fletcher,  R.    The  New  School  of  Criminal  Anthropology. 

Amer.  Anthrop.  iv.,  201-236.    1891. 
Fortin,  Ex-Deputy  Sheriff.    Hanging  Scientifically  Done. 

St.  Louis  Globe-Democrat  Oct.  16,  1892.    2,000  words. 
Fortune,  T.  Thomas.    Slaughter  in  the  South ;  Treatment 

of  Negroes.     N.  Y.  Herald  Aug.    31,    1892.    3,200 

words. 
Foster,  Elijah  C.    Reformatory  or  Punitive  Prison  Manage- 
ment.   Forum  Dec,  1891. 
Foster,  Mary  F.    The  Death  Penalty.    Kate  Field's  Wash- 
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Fowke,  Miss.    (London.)    Homes  for  Criminal  Children. 

Lend-A-Hand  Aug.-Sept.,  1890. 
Frank,  Henry.    The  Crime  of  War.     20th  Cent.  Feb.  4. 

2,200  words. 
French  Senate  on  Habitual  Criminals.    Spect.  57  :  1,132. 
French  Prisons  and  Convict  Establishments.    Cornhill  Mag. 

46 :  74. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY   OF  CRIME.  313 

Fyfe,  J.  H.    Crime  and  Criminals.    Good  Words  4  :  97. 
Gale,  C.  E.  N.     At   Police    Headquarters ;   Pathos   and 

Humor.    Frank  Les.  Wk.  Oct.  13,  1892.    2,600  words. 
Gerry's  Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children, 

N.  Y.  World  July  19,  1892.    4,000  words. 
Gilbert,  W.    Boys  as  Criminals,  Plea  for.    Good  Words 

7  :  279- 
Gilbert,  W.    Discharged  Convicts.    Good  Words  8  :  622. 
Giles,  A.  H.    The  Police  of  Calcutta.    Calcut.  Rev.  Jan., 

1889. 
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Lend-A-Hand  April,  1890. 
Gilmour,  John  H.    Indian  Justice.    S.  F.  Chronicle  July  24, 

1892.     1,900  words. 
Godkin,  E.  L.    Prison  Discipline.    Nation  9  :  206. 
Godkin,  E.  L.    Criminals  and  the  Law.    Nation  8  :  106. 
Gould,  S.  B.    The  Murder  in  the  Briider  Strasse.    Belgravia 

61  :  41. 
Green,  Anna  K.    The  Borden  Murder  Case.    N.  Y.  World 

Aug.  21,  1892.    2,500  words. 
Greenwood,  F.  W.  P.    Prison  Discipline.    Christ.  Exm. 

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Hacker,  J.    Land  Robbery.    Truth  Seeker  Dec.  12,  1891. 

700  words. 
Hale,  Edward  E.    Increase  of  Crime.    Lend-A-Hand  June, 

1890. 
Hale,  Edward  E.    Moral  Education  in  the  Schools.  Lend-A- 
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Hale,  Edward  E.    Rev.  Oscar  C.  McCullock,  Lend-A-Hand 

Jan.,  1892. 
Hall,  Mrs.  M.  R.    Reform  Schools.    West.  Jour,  and  Civil- 
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314  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Halley,  G.  How  to  Treat  Crimes  and  Criminals.  Kansas. 
Rev.  7  :  67. 

Hammick,  J.  T.  Judicial  Statistics  of  Crime  in  England. 
Jour.  Statis.  Soc.  30  :  375. 

Hamilton,  A.  Mc  L.  Scientific  Detection  of  Crime.  Apple- 
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Hamilton,  Gail.  Comparison  of  Case  of  Lizzie  Borden  with 
that  of  Mrs.  Maybrick.  Boston  Journ.  Sep.  30,  1892. 
1,100  words. 

Hamilton,  Gail.  The  Maybrick  Case.  N.  Y.  Tribune  Oct. 
28, 1892.    3,400  words. 

Hammond,  W.  A.  Involuntary  Impulses  to  Crime.  No. 
Amer.  Rev.  135  :  422. 

Hands  of  Murderers.  St.  Louis  Globe-Democrat  July  10, 
1892.    2,600  words. 

Hardy,  A.  £.  Gathorne.  Examination  of  Prisoners.  Na- 
tional Rev.  3  :  591. 

Hayti's  Horrible  Prison.  N.  Y.  Times  July  20, 1891.  1,800 
words. 

Hazlitt,  W.  C.  Catalogue  of  Prison  Literature.  Bibliogra- 
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Hibbard,  George  S.  Criminals  and  Crimes.  20th  Cent. 
May  26,  1892.     1,400  words. 

Hibbard,  George  S.    Prison  Discipline.    Nor.  Ar>er.  Rev. 

47 :  452. 

Hill,  A.  English  Industrial  Schools.  Contem.  Rev.  41 :  106. 

Hill,  E.  Scheme  for  Extinguishment  of  Crime.  Am.  J.  Soc. 
Sci.  17:  99. 

Hill,  E.    Prevention  of  Crime.    Jour.  Statis.  Soc.  25  :  497. 

Hill,  Governor.  The  Pardoning  Power.  Nor.  Amer.  Rev. 
Jan.,  1892. 

Hincks,  W.  Mary  Carpenter  on  Treatment  and  Reforma- 
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Hoare,  H.  E.  Homes  of  Criminal  Classes.  National  Rev. 
I.  :  824. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY   OF   CRIME.  315 

Holland,  F.  W.  Prison  Discipline  in  England.  Christ. 
Exm.  74  :  232. 

Holmes,  O.  W.  Automatism  and  Crime.  Atlan.  Mo. 
35  :  466. 

Holmes,  Lizzie  M.  Cradle  of  Crime.  Fall  River  Globe 
June  7,  1892.     1,300  words. 

Hopkins,  T.  Visit  to  the  House  of  Correction.  Dub.  Univ. 
Mag.  90 :  550. 

Hopkins,  Florence  M.  Kansas  Prison  Life.  Chicago  Inter- 
Ocean  Nov.  6,  1892.    2,700  words. 

Horsley,  J.  W.  A  Month's  Prison  Notes.  Sunday  Mag. 
15:321- 

Horsley,  J.  W.  Inscriptions  from  Walls  of  Prisons.  Sun- 
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Hosmer,  M.  Dinner  in  a  State  Prison.  Lippinc.  Mag. 
17  :  497. 

How  Society  is  Protected  by  Reforming  the  Youthful  Crim- 
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Pioneer  Press  Sept.  11,  1892.    4,000  words. 

Howells,  W.  D.    Visit  to  a  Police  Court.    Atlan.  Mo.  49  :  1. 

Hutter,  E.  W.  Crime  in  the  United  States,  Increase  of ; 
Its  Cause  and  Cure.     Evang.  Rev.  11  :  61. 

Immigration  and  Crime.  Editorial  in  Argonaut  Sept.  26. 
1892.     1,000  words. 

Insanity,  Relation  of  Crime  to.  Editorial  in  N.  O.  Picayune, 
Jan.  17,  1892.    650  words. 

Insanity  and  Criminal  Responsibility.  Editorial,  Medical 
and  Surgical  Reporter  Aug.  20,  1892.     1,000  words. 

Insanity  and  Crime.  Editorial  in  Brooklyn  Times  Aug.  31, 
1892.    i.ooowords. 

In  the  Museum  of  Crime.  (Mulberry  street,  New  York 
Police  Headquarters.)  N.  Y.  World  Sept.  25,  1892. 
1,300  words. 

Ireland,  Dr.  Wm.  W.  (Scotland).  Is  Criminal  Anthropology 
a  Science  ?    Medico-Legal  Journ.  June,  1891. 


316  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Ives,  C.  A.  and  Others,    Prison  Labor.    Amer.  Journ.  Soc. 

Sci.  1 8  :  306. 
Jacobi,  A.,  Wey  Wm.  C,  Sherman,  B.  F.    Capital  Punish- 
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Jacox,  F.    Criminals  Imperfect.    Bentley's  Miscellany  54 : 

486. 
Jakes,  H.    Reparation  to   Innocent  Convicts.    Pop.  Sci. 

Mo.  25 :  508. 
Jarves,  J.  J.    Prisons  of  Paris  and  their  Prisoners.     Har- 
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Jeffrey  F.    Prison  Discipline.    Edin.  Rev.  30  :  463. 
Johnson,  B.  B.    Supremacy  of  Law.    Lend-A-Hand  July, 

1892.     1,800  words. 
John  Smith  in  Jail;  His  Fare  in  Model  Prison  of  America. 

Bost.  Herald  Oct.  2,  1892.    4,000  words. 
Juvenile  Convicts.     Editorial,  Omaha  Bee    Oct.  23,  1892. 

2,500  words. 
Juvenile  Crime  and  Destitution.    Chamb.  Jour.  12  :  281,  247. 
Juvenile  Delinquency.    Eclect.  R.  91 :  200;  99:  385 — Edin. 

R.  94:  403 — Irish  Q.  5:  773 — Prospective  R.  2:  297; 

10:  69. 
Juvenile  Delinquents.    Christ.  Obs.  54 :  193 — Treatment  of 

— Irish  Q.  4:  1. 
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C.  Jones,  E.  T.  Gerry,  C.  L.  Brare,  R.  H.  Clarke,  W. 

F.  Barnard,  C.  T.  Lewis,  Samuel  Colgate,  and  Matron 

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1892.     14,000  words. 
Juvenile  Depravity.    Eclect.   R.  91 :  200 — Sharpe's    Lon. 

Mag.  9 :  223 — Hogg's   Instructor  2 :  148-398;   3  :  40- 

330 — Remedies  for.    Hogg's  Instructor  4 :  300. 
Juvenile  Society  in  Danger  from  Children.    Prospective  Rev. 

9:165. 
J.  W.    The  Secret  of  the  Assassins.    Calcut.  Rev.  July, 

1890. 


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J.  W.  M.    Crime  in  Italy ;  Connection  with  Politics.    N.  Y. 

Post  Nov.  12,  1892.    2,400  words. 
Keatinge,  O.    Reformatory  Schools  English  Waifs.    Cath. 

World  37 :  408. 
Kellogg,  D.  O.    Prison  Discipline.    American  1 1 :  22. 
Kennard,  Caroline  A.    Progress  in  Employment  of  Police 

Matrons.     Lend-A-Hand  Sep.,  1892. 
King  Case  (Effect  of  Pardon  on  Populace).    Editorial,  Mem- 
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Kleptomaniacs.    N.  Y.  Commer.  Advertiser  July  18,  1891. 

3,200  words. 
Knight,  A.  G.    Flaw  in  Convict  System.    Month  39 :  548. 
Knight,  A.  G.    Prisons  of  Paris  under  the  Commune.  Month 

37 :  22. 
Konoplitski,  Dimitri.    The  "  Naked  Command."    Some  of 

Russia's  Prison  Horrors.    St.  Louis  Chronicle  June  18, 

1892.     2,500  words. 
Krapotkin,  Prince.    French  Experience  in  Prisons.    19th 

Cent.  19 :  407. 
Lambert,  Henry.    The  Study  of  Crime.     Its  Causes,  etc. 

Boston  Transcript  Aug.  13,  1892.    4,000  words. 
Lanciani,  Rodolfo.     Gambling  and  Cheating  in  Ancient 

Rome.    Nor.  Amer.  Rev.  July,  1892. 
Langerfeld,  E.    Competition  of  Convict  Labor.    Science  7 : 

168. 
Lanin,  E.  B.  Russian  Prisons :  The  Simple  Truth.  Fortn.  R. 
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503. 
Laurie,  Annie.    The  Whittier  Reform  School,  no  Bars,  no 

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Internat.  R.  14 :  353. 


318  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Levi,  L.    Crime  in  England  in  1857-76.    Journ.  Statis.  Soc. 

43 :  423. 

Livermore,  A.  A.  Abolition  of  Prisons.  Unitar.  R.  34 : 
237.    (S.) 

Lombroso,  Cesare.  A  Study  of  Mobs.  Chautauquan  June, 
1892. 

Lombroso,  Cesare.  Illustrative  Studies  in  Criminal  Anthro- 
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Lombroso,  Cesare.  The  Physiognomy  of  the  Anarchists. 
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London  and  French  Police.    Sat.  R.  54 :  47. 

Lossing,  B.  J.    Prison  Shops.    Patter.  Amer.  Mo.  6:  1. 

Lundeborg,  A.  Negro  Lynching,  a  Foreigner's  View  of  It, 
20th  Cent.  Sept.  8,  1892.     1,300  words. 

Lynching  in  New  York.  N.  Y.  Sun  June  11,  1892.  1,400 
words, 

Lynching  of  Colored  People  in  the  South.  Boston  Tran- 
script June  24,  1 891.     1,000  words. 

Lynching  the  Southern  Negro.  Editorial  by  J.  F.  20th 
Cent.    Aug.  4,  1892.    950  words. 

Lynch  Law  in  the  South.  Editorial  in  Columbia  Register 
June  9,  1892.    1,000  words. 

Mac  Donald,  Arthur.  Clark  University ;  Course  in  Crim- 
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Mac  Donald,  Arthur.  The  Science  of  Crime.  Lend-A- 
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1892.    3,400  words. 

Maconochie,  Captain.  Convicts  on  Norfolk  Island,  1843. 
Journ.  Statis.  Soc.  8:1. 

Mafiosi,  The.  St.  Louis  Globe-Democrat  July  31,  1892. 
2,100  words. 

Mallalieu,  John  I.  Aims,  Methods,  and  Results  of  Reform- 
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BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CRIME.  "  319 

Manley    (De),    Lord.     Crime,    Criminals,     Punishment. 

Macml.  Magazine  29 :  145. 
Manning,  H.  C.    Crime  in  England   Inhuman.  No  Amer. 

R.  141 :  301. 
Marriage  of  Criminals,  Drunkards,  and  Diseased  Persons ; 

Shall  it  be  Restricted  by  Law  ?    Editorial,  Argonaut 

Nov.  1892.    1,000  words. 
Marshall,  A.  F.    Catholic  View  of    Prison    Life.    Cath. 

World  44 :  42. 
Martin,    Caroline.    The  Tombs  (New  York).    Waverley 

Mag.  Nov.  12,  1892.     1,500  words. 
Martin,  J.  B.    Civilization  and  Crime.    Humanitarian  Sep., 

1892. 
Matet,  A.    Intoxication  and  Crime.    Sanitarian  Sep.,  1892. 
McCallum,  A.  R.    Juvenile  Delinquency  and  the  Glasgow 

Plan  of  Cure.    Journ.  Statis.  Soc.  18  :  356. 
McCann,  J.  E.    The  Rogues'   Gallery,  Male  and  Female 

Criminals.     Frank  Les.   Wk.  Aug.   11,    1892.     1,200 

words. 
M'Clean,  Wm.  Arch.    How  Crimes  are  Created.    N.  Y. 

20th  Cent.  Nov.  5,  1891.    1,200  words. 
M'Clean,  Wm.  Arch.     How  Criminals  are  Made.    20th 

Century  Jan.  7,  1892.     1,100  words. 
McClelland,  Sophia.    Criminals  the  Product  of  Hereditary 

Degeneracy.    Med.  Record  42  :  96-100.     1892. 
McFarlane,  D.  H.    Crime  Against  Property  and  Person, 

Inequality  of  Sentence.    Macmil.  Mag.  45  :  404. 
McGee,  J.  G.    Origin  and  Cure  of  Crime.    Cath.  World 

18  :  55. 
McKee,  John  M.    Is  Crime  Increasing  ?    Pub.  Opinion  Oct. 

29,1892.    700  words. 
McKee,  J.  M.    Where  Reform  is  Needed.    Cumb.  Q.  4 : 

353,  445. 
McKenna,  F.  A.  F.    What  Fills  our  Jails.    Cath.  World 

May,  1892, 


3»0  CRIMINOLOGY. 

McKnight,  Geo.   H.     The  Death  Penalty.      Churchman 

June  25,  1892.    1,700  words. 
Meason,  M.  L.    Detective  Police.     19th  Cent.  13  :  765. 
Meason,  M.  L.    Experience   with  Detectives.    Belgravia 

19 :  490- 
Meason,  M.  L.    French  Detectives.    Macmil.  Mag.  45 :  296. 
Meason,  M.  L.    Police  of  London.    Macmil.  Mag.  46:  192. 
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1892.    4,500  words. 
Meredith,  E.  A.      Compulsory    Education    in    Crime    in 

Prisons.    Andov.  Rev.  4 :  125. 
Meyrick,  A.  S.    Difficulties  of  Prison  Discipline.    Internat. 

Rev.  1 1  :  234. 
Meyrick,  A.  S.    Improvements  in  Prison  Discipline.    Inter- 
nat. Rev.  10 :  306. 
Michell,  T.    Statistics  of  Crime  in  Russia.    Journ.  Statis. 

Soc.  27  :  369. 
Mitchell,  W.    Industrial  Training  Ships  and  Reformatories. 

Good  Words  27 :  766. 
Modern  Brigands.    N.  Y.  Journal  Oct.  30,   1892.    2,000 

words. 
Monteagle,    Lord.      Crimes  Act.     English.      19th    Cent. 

17  :  1,072. 
Morrison,  J.  H.    Prison  Discipline.    Christ.  Exm   44  :  273. 
Morse,  E.  S.    Natural  Selection  and  Crime.    Pop.  Sci.  Mo. 

August,  1892. 
Mosher,  E.  M.    Health  of  Criminal  Women.    Amer.  Journ. 

Soc.  Sci.  16  :  46. 
Mouat,  F.  J.    International  Prison  Statistics.    Journ.  Statis. 

Soc.  39:  311. 
Mouat,  F.  J.    Notes  on  M.  Bertillon's  Discourse  on  the  An- 
thropometric Measurement  of  Criminals.    Journ.  An- 

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BIBLIOGRAPHY    OF   CRIME.  321 

Mouat,  F.  J.    Prison  Discipline  and  Statistics  of  Lower 

Bengal.    Journ.  Statis.  Soc.  35  :  57. 
Mouat,  F.  J.     Prison  Statistics  and  Discipline  in  Lower 

Bengal.    Journ.  Statis.  Soc.  25 :  175;  30:  21. 
Munro,  J.    Visit  to  Prisons  of  Cayenne.    Good  Words  19: 

746. 
Murderer's  Hand.    Boston   Beacon,    Sep.    3,    1892.    800 

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Murder  Problem.    Editorial  in  (on  A.  D.  White's  Lecture) 

Seattle     Post-Intelligencer     Aug.     24,     1892.     850 

words. 
Murder :  Statistics.    Editorial,  N.  Y.,  N.  O.  Times-Demo- 
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Murder  Will  Out ;  Crimes  of  Cave  Dwellers.    Wash.  Star 

Nov.  9,  1892.     1,500  words. 
Murder  Will  Out.    Editorial  in  Seattle  Post-Intelligencer 

July  29,  1892.    1,500  words. 
Myrick,  A.  S.    Convict  Labor  and  the  Labor  Reformers. 

Princ.  R.  (new  series)  11  :  196. 
Negreponte,  Mary.    The   Parisian  Street  Urchin.    West. 

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Neison,  F.  G.  P.    Statistics  of  Crime  in  England.    Journ. 

Statis.  Soc.  9  :  223. 
Newell,  W.  W.    Conjuring  Rats.    Journ.    Amer.    Folk- 

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Newgate  Prison  (History).    St.  Louis  Globe-Dem.  July  12, 

1 891.    6,500  words. 
Nugent,  Lord.    Crime,   How    to    be    Treated.    People's 

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Odger,    G.      Employment    of    Criminals.     Contemp.    R. 

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O'Leary,  C.  M.  Criminals  and  Their  Treatment.  Cath. 
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Oswald,  Felix  L.  Legal  Methods  of  Torture.  S.  F.  Chron- 
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21 


322  CRIMINOLOGY 

Oswald,  Felix  L.    Mexican    Bandits.    St.    Louis   Globe- 

Dem.  Nov.  6,  1892.     1,500  words. 
Oswald,  Felix  L.    Modern  Brigands.    S.  F.  Chronicle  Oct. 

2,  1892.     1,500  words. 
Oswald,  Felix  L.    Prison  Problems.    Open  Court  Sep.  29, 

1892.    2,600  words. 
Paris  Police.    St.  Louis  Post-Dispatch  Sep.  25, 1892.    1,250 

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Parkhurst's    Plan.    Criticism    by    a    European    Traveler. 

N.  Y.  Journal  Oct.  30,  1892.     2,500. 
Parkman,  F.    Prison  Discipline.    Christ.  Exm.  27  :  381. 
Paroling  First  Offenders.    Editorial  in  St.  Louis  Republic 

Aug.  13,  1 891.    850  words. 
Pascoe,  C.  E.    Prisons  of    England.    Appleton's    Journ. 

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Peckard,  J.  L.    Why  Crime  is  Increasing.    North  Amer. 

Rev.  140 :  466. 
Peck  F.     Official  Optionism  Concerning  Prisons.     Con- 
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Peirce,  B.  K.     Prevention  and  Reform  of  Juvenile  Crime. 

Meth.  Q.  32  :  601. 
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Pentecost,  Hugh  O.    Legal  Homicide  at  Sing  Sing.    20th 

Cent.  July  16,  1891.     1,700  words. 
Pentecost,  Hugh  O.    Nineteenth  Century  Tortures  (Danne- 

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700  words. 
Perkins,   F.   B.    Rights  of  Convicts.     Old  and   New  9 : 

495- 
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28:  387. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY   OF   CRIME.  333 

Pierce.    Reform    School   at    Westborongh,    Mass.     Nat. 

Mag.  5  :  165. 
Plummer,  J.    Crime  and  Its  Prevention.    Lon.  Mag.  3: 

432. 
Police  Detectives.    Leis.  Hour  6 :  690. 
Policeman  in  London.    Leis.  Hour  6:  II. 
Porter,  G.  R.    Education  and  Crime.    Journ.  Statis.  Soc. 

10:  316. 
Powderly,  T.  V.    Criminals  and  the  Competitive  System. 

Journal  of  Knights  of  Labor  Oct.   15,    1891.     1,800 

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Prison  Discipline,  The  New.    American  12:  313. 
Prison  Labor  on   Roads,  Question  of.    Editorial  in  Troy 

Press  Feb.  22,  1892.     1,000  words. 
Prisons  in  France.    Cornh.  Mag.  46  :  74. 
Prisons  on  the  Continent.    Temp.  Bar  89 :  87.     1890. 
Prison  Pets.    Cham.  Journ.  60:  421. 
Prison  Scenes  in  1833.    Leis.  Hour  2  :  678. 
Proper   Treatment   "  To  and  For "  Criminals.    Editorial, 

Bost.  Com.  Wealth  Nov.  5,  1892.     1,000  words. 
Punishment  for   Criminal  Blunders.    Criticism  of  N.  Y. 

Board  of  Health.    Rural  New  Yorker  Sep.  10,   1892. 

1,700  words. 
Punishment  of  Crime,  by  E.  G.  H.    Detroit  Tribune  Dec. 

13,  1891.    850  words. 
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Summary  Oct.  9,  1892.     1,200  words. 
Quiddam,  R.     Criminals,  Recruits  for  the  Ranks  of  Crime. 

St.  James  Mag.  37  :  380. 
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Internat.  Journ.  Ethics  Oct.,  1891. 
Rawson,  R.  W.    Education  and  Criminals.    Journ.  Statis. 

Soc.  3:  331. 


324  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Raymond,    Mrs.      Prisoner    of    Chillon.     Cath.     World 

23 :  857. 
Read,  D.   B.    Correction  of  Juvenile  Criminals.    Canad. 

Mo.  18:  548. 
Record  of  Crime.    Banking  L.  Journ.  Oct.  1,  1892.     1,200 

words. 
Reformatories.    Chamb.  Journal :  744. 
Reformatories  in  America.    Irish  Q.  7  :  1092. 
Reform  Work.    Editorial  by  J.  W.   S.    Twentieth  Cent. 

Aug.  25,  1892.    700  words. 
Reeve,  C.  H.    A  Word  to  the  Prisoner.    Summary  Oct.  16. 

1 ,600  words. 
Reeve,  C.  H.    Preventive  Legislation  in  Relation  to  Crime. 

Ann.  Amer.  Acad.  Sep.,  1892. 
Reeve,  C.  H.    Society  and  the  Criminal.    Summary  Sep. 

11,1892.    1,000  words. 
Revolt  of  Tennessee  Miners  Against  Convict  Labor.    N.  Y. 

Sun  July  23,  1891.    6,200  words. 
Richmond,  J.   F.    Reformatories  for  Dangerous  Classes. 

Meth.  Q.  33  :  455. 
Roberts,  Albert.    Convict  Labor  in  Road  Making.    En- 
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Roberts,  Albert.    The  Iniquity  of  Leasing  Convict  Labor. 

Engineering  Mag.  Sep.,  1891.    3,900  words. 
Roberts,  Wm.    The  Administration  of  Justice  in  America. 

Fortn.  R.  Jan.,  1892. 
Robinson,  F.  W.    Prison  Government.    Gent.  Mag.  (new 

series)  28 :  656. 
Robinson,    Mary    G.    What  to    do    with    Incorrigibles. 

Christ.  Wk.  Feb.  13, 1892.     1,400  words. 
Rogers,  H.    Education  and  Crime.    Edin.  Rev.  86  :  512. 
Rogers,  H.    What  is  to  be  Done  with  Our  Criminals? 

Edin.  Rev.  86  :  214. 
Roscoe,  E.    Crime,  Capital,  and  Poverty.    Victoria  Mag. 

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Round,  W.  M.  F.    Experience  with  Criminals.    Forum, 

1  :434- 
Roux,  Hugues  L.    Phases  of  Crime  in  Paris.    Fortn.  Dec. 

1 891. 
Rubory,  F.  A.    Religion  in  Prisons.    Cath.  World  10  :  114. 
Russell,  W.    Statistics    of    Crime    in    England    1839-43. 

Journ.  Statis.  Soc.  10  :  38. 
Sanborn,   F.   B.    American  Prisons.    North    Amer.  Rev. 

103  :  383. 
Sanborn,  F.  B.      Reformatories  in   Massachusetts,   1866. 

Radical  1  :  480. 
Sanborn,  F.  B.    Prison   Discipline    in    America.      North 

Amer.  Rev.  105  :  555. 
Sanborn,    F.    B.    Reforms    in    Prison  Discipline.    North 

Amer.  Rev.  102  :  210. 
Scaffold  Sign  (Hand  of  Murderer).    St.   Louis  Post-Dis- 
patch Sept.  18,  1892.     1,200. 
Scientific  Detection  of  Crime.    Journ.  Sci.  3  :  347. 
Sears,  E.  I.    Our  Criminals  and  Our  Judiciary.    Nat.  Q. 

Rev.  20  :  374. 
Sedgwick,  A.  G.    Main  Obstacle  to  Prison  Reform.  Nation 

38 :  206. 
Sedgwick,  A.  G.    Prison  System  of  Ireland.    Nation  1  : 

659. 
Sedgwick,  A.  G.    Treatment  of  Habitual  Criminals.  Nation 

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Selleck,  Rev.  W.  C.    Treatment  of  Criminals  (Abstract  of 

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Senior,  N.  W.    Remarkable  Crimes  and  Trials  in  Germany. 

Edin.  Rev.  82  :  318. 
Service,  J.    Convicts  and  Quakers.    Good  Words  19  :  197, 

378,  54i. 
Seymour,  H.    Causes  of  Crime.    Pop.  Sci.  Mo.  2  :  589. 
Shand,   A.  I.    Police  System  of  London.    Blackw.   140 : 

594- 


3*6  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Shanley,  C.  D.  Small  Arabs  of  New  York.  Atlant.  Mo. 
235  :  279. 

Shuman,  A.  Management  and  Discipline  of  Prisons. 
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Simmons,  B.  The  Prisoner  of  Ghent.  Blackw.  Mag.  51  : 
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Simulated  Insanity  Among  Criminals.    Leis.  Hours  6  :  581. 

Sixty  Years  of  Crime  (15,000  Cases  Analyzed).  Phila.  Pub. 
Ledger  July  26,  1892.    3,200  words. 

Skene,  F.  M.  F.     Prison  Visiting.    Fraser's  Mag.  102  ;  762. 

Skene,  F.  M.  F.  Reiormatory  of  St.  Michel.  Good  Words 
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Sketches  of  Criminals  in  Court.  Cornhill  Mag.  61  :  34,  377. 
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Slater,  W.  B.  Catalogue  of  Prison  Literature.  Bibliog- 
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Smith,  A.  Tolman.  The  Public  Schools  vs.  Crime.  Inde- 
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Smith,  E.  Prison  Labor.  Princeton  Rev.  (new  series) 
5  :  225. 

Smith,  T.    Eastern  Prisons.    Good  Words  2  :  175. 

Smith,  Sydney.    Counsel  for  Prisoners.    Edin.  Rev.  45  :  74. 

Smith,  Sydney.  Punishment  of  Untried  Prisoners.  Edin. 
Rev.  39  :  229. 

Smith,  Sydney.  State  of  Prisons  in  England,  Edin.  Rev. 
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Smith,  Sydney.    Suppression  of  Crime.    Edin.  Rev.  13 :  333. 

Smugglers  and  Smuggling  in  the  North.  N.  Y.  Sun  Aug. 
14,1892.     1,900  words. 

"  Sociology  "  in  the  Weekly  Bulletin  of  Newspaper  and 
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Spalding,  Warren  F.  Has  Crime  Increased  in  Massa- 
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Spalding,  Warren  F.  The  Hopeful  Side  of  Prison  Reform. 
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Spalding,  Warren  F.  What  Becomes  of  Discharged  Prison- 
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Statistics  of  Crime  and  Creed.    Cong.  Mag.  26  :  995. 

Stead,  W.  T.  Ought  Mary  Maybrick  to  be  Tortured  to 
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Stephen,  J.   F.     Punishment  of  Crime.      19th  Cent.    17: 

755. 
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Stephen,  J.  F.     Prisoners  as  Witnesses.    19th  Cent.  20 : 

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Science  Sep.  30,  1892.     1,100  words. 
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328  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Tappan,  L.  Prisons  and  Prison  Discipline.  Christ.  Exam. 
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Tarver,  M.  Education  and  Crime.  West.  Journ.  and 
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Tarver,  M.  Reform  Schools.  West.  Journ.  and  Civil.  9  : 
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Taylor,  W.  C.  Crime  and  its  Punishment.  Bentley's  Quar. 
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Taylor,  W.  C.  Juvenile  Delinquency.  Bentley's  Miscel- 
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BIBLIOGRAPHY   OF   CRIME.  329 

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33°  CRIMINOLOGY. 

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Wichern,  J.  H.  German  Reform  School.  Amer.  Journ. 
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fondamento  unico.    Torino,  1883. 


35<5  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Brusa.    La  detenzione  semplice  o  cosidetta  Custodia  Hon- 
est a  ai  Paesi  Bassi.     Torino,  1880. 
Brusa.    Del  reato  commesso  all'  ertero.    Torino,  1886. 
Buccellati.     II  nichilismo  e  la  ragione  del  diritto  penale. 

Torino,  1883. 
Buccellati  (dott.),  Antonio.    Instuz.  di  diritto  e  precedura 

penale  secondo  la  ragione  e  il  diritto  romano.    Torino, 

1884. 
Buonamici,  Francesco.    Del  delitto  di  violato  sepolero,  dis- 

sertazione.     Torino,  1873. 
Caluci,  G.    II  fondamento  del  diritto  di  punizione,  memorie. 

Torino,  1886. 
Campili.    II  grand  ipnotismo  e  la  suggestione  ipnotica  nei 

rapporti  col  diritto  penale  et  civile.     Torino,  1886. 
Campolongo   (dott.),  F.     Studio  sul    rinnovamento  della 

scienza  criminale.    Torino,  1885. 
Canonico  (Prof.),  Tancredi.    Introduzione  alio  studio  del 

diritto  penale.    Vol.  i.,  del  giudizio  penale.    1871. 
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Torino,  1871. 
Cantalupi,  A.  II  lavori  per  la  costruzione  del  carcere  cellulare 

guidiziario  in  Milano,  pp.  178.    Milano,  1880. 
Cantu,    Cesare.     Beccaria   e    il    diritto   penale.    Saggio, 

Torino,  1862. 
Capello,  M.    Studio  comparative  teorico  practico  su  la  dif- 

famazione  e  1'inguiria,  pp.  206.    Torino,  1890. 
Carazzo,  Francesco  Saverio.    Del  concorso  di  piu  persone 

in  uno  stesso  reato.    Torino. 
Carcani  (aw.).    Codice  penale  italiano  esposto  in  20  tavole 

sinottiche.    Torino,  1890. 
Carelli,  Leugi.    Ireati  politi  ci  nel  progetto  dello  cod.  pen. 

Torino,  1889. 
Carfosa,  Francesco.    Del  reato  di  adulterio.   Torino,  1887. 
Carmignani  e  Manzi  nella  storia  del  diritto  penale,  notizie 

tratte  da  documenti  inediti.    Torino,  1889. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF   CRIME. 


357 


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Torino,  1870. 

Carrara.    Opuscoli  di  diritto  criminale. 

Carrara.    Sul  delitto  perfetto.    1887. 

Carrara,  Francesco.  Codice  penale  toscono.  Torino, 
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Carrara,  Francesco.  Lineamenti  di  pratica  legislativa 
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Carrara,  Francesco.  Lineamenti  di  pratica  legislativa 
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Carrara,  Francesco.  Programma  del  Corso  di  Diritto  Crimi- 
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Castagna.     Di  una  ragione  penale.   Torino,  1891. 

Catastini  (dott.),  Federigo.  Delia  consumazione  del  de- 
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Ceneri.  Gl'usterrazionalisti  e  l'articolo  426  del  codice  pe- 
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1886. 


35**  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Cortina,  G.  B.  Ces.  Lom'jroso  e  le  nuove  dottrine  posi- 
tiviste  in  rapporto  al  deritto  penale.    Torino,  1888. 

Crivellari,  Giulio.  Dei  reati  controla  propieta:  trattato 
teorico-pratico.    Torino,  1887. 

Crivellari,  Giulio.  Dei  reati  contro  la  vita  e  la  integrita 
personale.     Torino,  1886. 

Crivellari,  Giulio.  I  concetti  fondamentali  del  diritto  pe- 
nale.    Torino,  1888. 

Crivellari,  Giulio.  II  duello  nella  dottrina  e  geurisprudenza. 
Torino,  1884. 

D'Amora.  I  reati  che  offendono  il  diritto  dell'  individuo. 
Torino,  1882. 

De  Cola,  Proto  Francesco.  Dei  reati  contro  l'economia 
pubblica.    Torino,  1885. 

De  Foresta,  Adolf 0.    La  deportazione.    Roma,  1876. 

De  Foresta,  Adolfo.  La  riforma  penitenziaria.  N6  pati- 
bolo  ne*  carcere.     Torino,  1880. 

De  Notter,  Giulio.  Delia  uccisioni  del  consenziente  se- 
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De  Manro,  Mario.    Del  furto.    Catania,  1885. 

De  Marinis,  Enrico.  Saggio  critico  sulla  causa  criminosa  ; 
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1885. 

De  Pedyo,  N.  Osservazioni  medico-legali  sul  nuovo  co- 
dice  penale.    Torino,  1889. 

De  Pilla,  D.  Dei  reati  contro  la  securezza  dello  stato,  Vol.  1, 
Parte  1,  Storia.    Torino,  1888. 

De  Simoni,  Alberto.  Dei  delitti  considerati  nel  solo  effetto 
ed  attentati,  con  prolegomeni  illustrativi  di  Felice  Tu- 
rotti.  Torino,  1854. 

Di  Mattos.  La  pazzia  in  rapporto  al  delitto  ed  alia  medi- 
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Di  Mattos.  La  pazzia :  studio  clinico  in  rapporto  alle  prin- 
cipali  questioni  di  diritto  civile  e  penale.    Torino,  1890. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY   OF   CRIME.  359 

Drago.  I  criminali-naati  (tradotto  dallo  spagnolo).  To- 
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Ellero.    Trattati  criminali.    Torino,  1891. 

Fabsizi,  Alfr.  Contro  un'  innovazione.  L'abolizione  della 
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Facchinetti.    Duello  e  legge.    Torino,  1890. 

Faranda,  F.  II  titolo  del  reato,  Parte  P.;  L'azione.  To- 
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Ferriani,  Lino.  La  infanticida  nel  cod.  pen.  e  nel  la  vita 
sociale.     Torino,  1886. 

Ferri,  Enrico.  Delitti  e  delequenti  nella  scienza  e  nella 
vita:  conferenza.    Torino,  1889. 

Ferri,  Enrico.  Educazioni,  ambiente  e  criminalita.  Torino, 
1883. 

Ferri,  Enrico.  I  nuovi  orlzzonti  del  diritto  e  della  proced. 
penale.    Torino,  1891. 

Ferri,  Enrico.  La  scuola  criminale  positiva :  conferenza. 
Torino,  1885. 

Ferri,  Enrico.  Lavoro  e  celle  dei  condannati :  conferenza. 
Torino,  1886. 

Ferri,  Enrico.  L'omicidio-suicidio.  Responsabilita  giuri- 
dica.    Torino.    1884. 

Ferri,  Enrico.  Socialismo  E  Criminalita,  pp.  224.  Torino, 
1883. 

Ferri,  Enrico.  Sociologia  criminale,  pp.  848.  Torino, 
1892. 

Ferri,  Enrico.  Uno  spiritista  del  diritto  penale.  Torino 
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Filippi,  A.  Principle  di  medicina  legale,  pp.  330.  Firenze, 
1889. 

Fioretti,  G.    Su  la  legittima  difesa.    Torino,  1866. 

Fioretti,  G.  I  pregiudizi  popolari  su  la  nuova  scuola  pe- 
nale di  fronte  ai  risultati  del  congresso  antropologico. 
Torino,  1887. 


360  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Focacci,  Luciano.  La  medicina  carceraria.  Cause  e  rimedi 
dei  deliquenti  in  Italia  Osservazioni  e  proposte.  To- 
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Fonseca  Pimentel  e  Guacci.  II  diritto  penale  spiegato  in 
relazione  al  nuovo  codice  penale.    Torino,  1890. 

Fornasini,  Leigi.  La  riforma  carceraria  secondo  il  sistema 
penitenziale.    Torino,  1878. 

Framarino  dei  Malatesta,  N.  Studio  sulla  comunicazione 
delle  circonstanze  nel  delitto.    Torino,  1887. 

Frassati,  A.  Diritto  penale  0  sociologia  criminale  ?  pp.  76. 
Torino,  1892. 

Frola,  P.  E.  Delle  ingiurie  e  diffamazioni  specialmente  in 
tema  di  stampa,  secondo  il  cod.  penale  italiano.  To- 
rino, 1890. 

Fulci  (aw.),  Lodovico,  deputato.  L'evoluzione  nel  diritto 
penale.    La  forza  irresistibile.    Torino,  1882. 

Fulci  (aw.),  Lodovico,  deputato.  L'intenzione  nei  singoli 
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Garbasso  (aw.),  C.  L.  Nozioni  generali  sulle  contrawen- 
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del  nuovo  codice  penale.    Torino,  1890. 

Garelli,  Vincenzo.  Delle  colonie  di  beneficenza  e  di  pena ; 
lettere  sull'  arcepelago  toscano.    Torino,  1870. 

Garelli,  Vincenzo.  Della  pena  e  dell'  emenda,  studi  e  pro- 
poste.   Opera  premiata  al  concorso  Rovizza. 

Garofalo,  R.,  e  Carelli,  L.  Reforma  della  Procedura  Pe- 
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Garofalo,  R.  Di  Un  Criterio  Positivo  della  Penalita,  pp. 
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Garofalo,  R.  Riparazione  alle  Vittime  del  Delitto,  pp.  98. 
Torino,  1887. 

Garofalo.  Criminologia.  Studio  sul  delitto,  sulle  sue 
cause,  e  sui  mezzi  di  repressione.    Torino,  1890. 

Gherelli,  L.  II  cod.  pen.  del  regno  d'ltalio  annotato.  To- 
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BIBLIOGRAPHY   OF   CRIME.  361 

Giacobone.    I  diritti  della  donna  sedotta.    Legeslazione  e 

giurisprudenza  patria  e  straniera.    Torino,  1890. 
Gilli,  Jac.    II  duello  nella  storia  della  giurisprudeza  e  nella 

pratica  italiano.    Torino  1886. 
Gilli,  Jac.    Responsabilita  penale  dei  duellanti :  aggiunte  al 

codice  cavalleresco.    Torino,  1888. 
Girardi  (aw.),  Francesco.    Delia  difesa  legittima.   Napoli, 

1884. 
Giuseppe,  Alongi.    La  Maffia,  pp.  162.    Torino,  1886. 
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Vol.  1:  Parle  generale.    Torino,  1890. 
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362  CRIMINOLOGY. 

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Torino,  1884. 
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Lucchini,  Luigi.    Soldati  delinquenti,  Giudici  e  carnefici. 

Torino,  1884. 
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Sociologi)  del  diritto  penale.    Torino,  1886. 
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poli,  1889. 
Maggio  (aw.),  Lorenzo.    L'  infanticidio.  Torino,  1888. 
Manfredi,  P.    II  diritto  penale  della  stampa.    Memoria  pre- 

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Marciano,  G.     II  titolo  decimo  del  codice  penale  italiano : 

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Marini,   Serra  Guiseppe.     Allegazioni   scelte,  dissertazioni 

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364  CRIMINOLOGY. 

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Torino,  1890. 


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Piranesi,  G.  B.    Carceri. 

Polemica  in  Difesa  della  Scuola  Criminale  Positiva  per  C. 
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Poletti,  F.  Di  una  legge  empirica  della  criminalita.  To- 
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Poletti,  F.  II  sentimento  nella  scienza  del  diritto  penale. 
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Poletti,  F.  L'Azione  normale,  come  base  della  responsa- 
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Porto  (aw.),  Vito.  II  progetto  del  codice  pen.  e  le  leggi 
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Porto  (aw.),  Vito.  II  progretto  del  codice  pen.  alia  Camera 
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378  CRIMINOLOGY. 

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Fletcher.    Moral  and  Educational  Statistics  of  England  and 

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382  CRIMINOLOGY. 

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Marzo,  1888,  e  Arch,  psich.,  ix.,  304. 
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388  CRIMINOLOGY 

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CEREBROLOGY. 


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39*  CRIMINOLOGY. 

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BIBLIOGRAPHY   OF   CRIME.  393 

Meynert,  Kritik  liber  Nachrichten  von  Verbrecher-Gehirnen. 

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PSYCHO-CRIMINAL  PATHOLOGY  ; 
INSANITY  AND  CRIME. 


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398  CRIMINOLOGY. 

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Pulido  y  Fernandes.    Locos  delinquentes.    Madrid,  1890. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY   OF  CRIME.  399 

Reich.    Ueber  Seelentdrungen  in  Gefangenschaft.    Berlin, 

1871. 
Reich.    Mania  transitoria,    Berlin  Klin.  Wochenschr.,  1880. 
Reuss.    Aberrations  du  sens  genesique.    Ann.  Hyg.  Publ. 

1886. 
Responsabilita  (La)  nelle  malattie  mentali.    Milano,  1875. 
Riant.    Les  irr^sponsables  devant  la  justice.    Paris,  1888. 
Robinson.     Simulated    Insanity    in    the    Criminal    Class. 

Journ.  of  Nerv.  and  Ment.  Disease,  New  York,  1887. 
Roggero.    Sui  pazzi  delinquenti  in  Italia,  Riv.  Care,  1875. 
Rousseau.    De  la  monomanie   incendiaire.    Ann.    Meed. 

Psych.,  Nov.,  1 88 1. 
Sander  und  Richter.    Die  Beziehungen  zwischen  Geisstes- 

storungen  und  Verbrechen.    Berlin,  1886. 
Savage.    Moral  Insanity.    Journ.  of  Ment.  Science,  1881. 
Savage.    Moral  Insanity.    New  York,  1886. 
Saury.    Etude    sur    la   folie   hereditaire,    Les  degener6s. 

Paris,  1886. 
Sauze.    Recherches  sur  la  folie  penitentiaire.    Ann.  Med. 

Psych.,  1857. 
Semal.    Folies  penitentiaires.    Bruxelles,  1890. 
Sergi.    Relazione  tra  la  delinquenza  e  le  malattie  mentali. 

Riv.  Care,  1886. 
Sighicelli  e  Tamburini.    Pazzia  morale  ed  epilessia.    Rev. 

Sherim.  Fren.,  1888. 
Solbrig.    Verbrechen  und  Wahnsinn.    Milnchen,  1867. 
Sommer.    Beitrage  zur  Kentniss  der  Criminal  Irren.    Allg. 

Zeitschf.  f.  Psych.,  1883, 
Spratling.    Moral  Insanity.    Medico-Legal  Journal,  New 

York,  Dec,  1890. 
Sunin,  Max.    Crimes  et  delits  dans  la  folie.    Paris,  1886. 
Tamassia.    La  pazzia  nei  criminali  italiani.    Riv.    Care. 

1874. 
Tamassia.    Rivista  critica  sugli  ultimi  studi  di  Psico-pato- 

logia  forense.    Rivista  penale.    1877. 


400  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Tamassia.    Sull'  inv  ersionc  dell'  istincto  sessuale.     Riv. 

sper.  fren.     1878. 
Tamassia.    Importanza  medico-forenze  della  mania  transi- 

toria.    Rivista  penale,  XIII.     1881. 
Tamassia.    Guiteau.    Arch,  psich.     1883. 
Tamburini.    Imb£cilita  morale  e  delinquenza    congenita. 

Riv.  sper.  fren.  1886 ;  et   Actes  du    Congre's    Anthr. 

Crim.    Rome,  1886. 
Tamburini.    Observations  sur  36  ali^nes  condamnds  comme 

semi-responsables,     Acts  du  Congres   Anthr.  Crim, 

Rome,  1886. 
Tamburini  e  Seppelli.    Studio  di  psicopatologia  criminale. 

Riv.  sperim.  fren.     1883  e  1887. 
Tamburini  e  Guicciadi.    Ulteriori  studi  sopra  un  imbecille 

morale,    Riv.  sperim.  fren.     1888. 
Tanzi.    Pazzi  morali  e  de  delinquenti  nati.    Riv.  sper.  fren. 

1884. 
Tardieu.    Etude  m^dico-legale  sur  la  folic     Paris,  1892. 
Teed.    On  Mind,  Insanity,  and  Criminality.  ,  Jour,  of  Nerv. 

and  Ment.  Disease.    Jan.,  1880. 
Ventra.    La  idee  fisse  impulsive.    Manicomio,  die.     1888. 
Venturi.    Le  pazzie  transitorie.    Napoli,  1888. 
Verga,  G.  B.    Considerazioni  sulla  Pazzia  morale  e  discus- 

sione  sulla  pazzia    morale  e  delinquenza    congenita. 

Atti  del  V.  Congresso  Freniatrico  a  Siena,    Milano, 

1887. 
Virgilio.    Passante  e  la  natura  morbosa  del  delitto.    Roma, 

1888. 
Voisin.    L'emprisonnement  cellulaire  en  Belgique.     Bibl. 

Soc.  Prisons.    Paris,  1888. 
Westphal  e  Mendel.    Sulla  follia  morale.    Soc.  med.  di 

Berlino.    1878. 
Worckmann,    On  Crime  and  Insanity.    Montreal,  1876. 


PATHOLOGICAL  ANATOMY,;.^, 


Albertis  (De).';  Autopsia  di  Glona '-La  Gala.  '  Arch,  jteich. 
ecc.    18835'  »*.;,,  '-  " 

Cornelli.  Anomalie  r*ci,  cahali'  ir^r^ocb^nU  n^gli  alienati, 
delinqucnti  e  sani,  ne-fla'Jtiy;  (plmiea,*  1875I 

Derolandis.  Necroscopia  di  un  delinquente,  nel  Repert 
Med.  Chir.  del  Piemonte.     1835. 

Flesch.  Untersuchungen  iiber  Verbrecher-Gehirne.  Wiirz- 
burg,  1882. 

Frigerio.  Omicida  per  paranoia  allucinatoria  (autopsia), 
ibidem,  1884. 

Fubini.  Osservazioni  sopra  un  giustiziato  con  fucilazione, 
ibidem,  pag.  447.     1884. 

Guerra.  Anomalie  in  cadaveri  di  delinquenti  e  normali,  in 
Arch,  per  l'Antr.  xvii.  3.,  1887. 

Laborde.  Observations  sur  la  tete  et  le  corps  d'un  justicie\ 
Revue  Scientif.,  21  Juni,  1884. 

Lombroso  e  Ferri.  Su  A.  Faella  e  sugli  osteomi,  ecc,  in 
Archivio  psich.,  pag.  118.    1882. 

Salvioli.  Reporto  necroscopico  del  cadavere  di  un  delin- 
quente, nella  Riforma  Medica,  1885. 

Tenchini.  Mancanza  della  xii.  vertebra  dorsale  in  un 
omicide.    Parma,  1887. 

Tenchini.  Varieta  numeriche  delle  vertebrc  coste  in  nor- 
mali e  delinquenti.    Parma,  1888. 


26 


ANTHROPOMETRY. 

Afn6\  "Afcotrialie  in  151  minorrenm  rte'tcnuli.   Arch,  psich. 
Beli'tlcow.     Studi    antropometrici     sugliJ  gmicidi.     Arch. 

psich.  nevrcf.  di  Kcw'al>v5ski.  1 1884. 
Bjurtillon.    Fornie'du nez.    Re^ue  d'Anthr.  Mars,  1887. 
Faiivlfle.    Mensuration  des  pouces  ches  les[  c'i  iminels.  Bull. 

Sofc.  Anthr.,    Paris,  1 891.  ./•,  j«f 
Fere.    Varictes  morphol.  du  pavilion  de  l'orcille  humaine. 

Revue  d'Anthr.'  1886.' 
Ferri.    Studi  comparati  di  antropometria  criminate  e  nor- 

male.     Arch,  psich  ecc.     1881. 
Ferri.    Studi  comparati  di  antropometria  su  1,711  delin- 
quent^ pazzi  e  normali.    Arch,  psich.  ecc.    1882. 
Frigerio.      L'oreille    externe,     6tude    d'Anthrop.      Crim. 

Archives  anthr.  crim.    1888. 
Furlani,  Prampoleni  e  Ferri.    Studi  sui  cacerati.    Arch. 

psich.  ecc.    1881. 
Gradenigo.    II  padiglione  dell'  orecchio  nei  normali,  alienali 

e  delinquenti.    Giorn.  Ace.  Med.    Torino,  1889. 
Gradenigo.    Das  Ohr  des  Verbrechens.    Wien,  1889. 
Gradenigo.    Significato  antropologico  della  anomalie  nel 

padiglione  dell'  orecchio.    Arch,  psich.     1891. 
Julia.    De  l'oreille  au  point  de  vue  anthropolique  et  medico- 

legale.     Lyon,  1889. 
Knecht.    Ueber  die  Verbreitung  physich.  Degeneration  bei 

Verbrechern  und  die  Beziehungen  zwischen  Degenera- 

tionszeichen  und  Neuropathien.    Allegm.   Zeitsch.  f. 

Psychiatric    Berlin,  1883. 
Lacassagne.    Rapporto  fra  la  statura  e  la  grande  apertura 

delle  braccia  in  800  delinquenti.    Arch,  psich.     1883. 
Launois.    L'oreille  au  point  de  vue  anthrop,  crim.    Archives 

Anthr.  crim.    1887. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CRIME.  403 

Lombroso.      Antropometria  di   400   delinquenti.      Mem. 

Istit.  Lomb.  1872  e  Riv.  Care.    1872. 
Lombroso.    Rughe  anomale  speciali  ai  criminali.    Arch. 

psich.    1890. 
Ottolenghi.    Lo  scheletro  e  la  forma  del  naso  nei  criminali, 

pazzi,  epilettici  e  cretini.    Arch,  psich.  ecc.     1888. 
Ottolenghi.    II  macinismo  anatomico  nei  criminali.    Arch. 

psich.     1889. 
Pasini.    Studi  su  122  delinquenti  femmine.    Arch,  psich. 

ecc.     1882. 
Raseri.    Antropometria  di    120   minorenni    detenuti    alia 

Generala.     Ann.  Min.  Agric.     Roma,  1877. 
Riccardi.    Note  antropologiche  su  minorenni  delinquenti. 

Arch,  psich.  ecc.     1882. 
Rossi.    Una  centuria  di  criminali.    Torino,  1888. 
Rossi.    II  tachiantropometro  anfosso  applicato  ad  una  cen- 
turia di  criminali.    Riv.  Care.     1889. 
Salini.  Studio  antropologico  su  alcuni  delinq.  Riv.  Care.  1879. 
Salsotto.     Sulla  donna  delinquente.     Riv.  Care.     1888. 
Siffredi.    Studio  su  80  minorenni  criminali.    Arch,  psich. 

ecc.    1882. 
Tarnowski,    Misure  antropometriche  su  150  prostitute,  100 

ladre  e  1,100  contadine.    Arch,  psich.  ecc.    1888. 
Tarnowski.    Etudes  antropom£triques  sur  les  prostitutees 

et  les  voleuses.     Paris,  1889. 
Tenchini.    Varieta  numeriche  vertebro-costali  nell'  uomo 

Parma,  1889. 
Troiski.    Risultati  di  cefolametria  nei  delinquenti  in  rap- 

porto    con    alcuni    caratteri    di    degenerazione  fisica. 

Arch,  psich.  nev.  1884. 
Venturi  e   Pellegrini.    I  piedi  nei  pazzi  e  nei  delinquenti 

Arch,  psich.    1890. 
Zavaldi.    Antropometria  in  23  delinquenti.  Riv.  Care,  1874. 
Zonga.    Studio    antropologico,    su    25    delinquenti.    Riv. 

Care,  1878. 


PHYSIOGNOMY. 


Bordier.    Photographies  des  criminels.  Bull.  Soc.  Anthr. 

Paris,  1882. 
Carminati.    Se  i  delinquenti  abbiano  una  fisonomia  speciale. 

Sal6,  1875. 
Casper.      Mfirder-Physiognomien.  Viert.  f.  gericht.    Med. 

1854. 
Cougnet.    Sulla  fisonomia  dei  delinquenti.    Arch,  psich. 

1880. 
H6ment.    Les  causes  scientifiques  de  la  physionomie  m£m. 

Acad.  Soc.  Moralese  et  Polit.    Paris,  1887. 
Marro  e  Lombroso.    Album  di  criminale  tedeschi.    Arch. 

psich.  pag.  127.     1883. 
Marro  e  Lombroso.    Fisionomie  delle  donne  criminali  id. 

pp.  370.     1883. 
Mayor.    Notes  pour  servir  a  une  iconographie  des  Cesars 

au  point  de  vue  anthropologique.    Rome,  1885. 
Tebaldi.    Sulla  fisonomia  ed  espressione  studiate  nelie  loro 

deviazioni,  with  atlas.    Verona,  1884. 


CRIMINOLOGICAL    CONGRESSES. 


Actcs  du  premier  congres   international   d 'anthropologic 

criminelle.    Rome,  1886-87. 
Aguanno  (D').    II II.  congr.  d'antr.  Tribuna  giudiz.  Napoli, 

1889. 
Andries.    Resconto  del  II.  Congresso  Antrop.  crim.    Ri- 

vista  economica  di  Atene  die.     1889. 
Andries.    Der  zweite    intern.    Congr.    f.    crim.    Anthrop. 

Naturwiss.  Wochenschr.    Berlin,  1890. 
Benedikt.      Der  Congress    fur    Kriminalanthropologie    in 

Rom.    Wiener  Mediz.  Presse.     1886. 
Benedikt.    Aus  der  Pariser  Congresszeit.    Wien,  1889. 
Brusa.    II  III.  Congr.  penitenz.  e  quello  d'antrop.  crim.  a 

Roma.    Riv.  penale,  agosto.     1886. 
tongresso  (II)  penitenziario  e  antropologico  di  Roma.    Re- 
port di  giurispr.    Bellinzona,  1886. 
Correvon.    Lettres  sur  le  III.  Congres  Penitentiaire  Inter- 
national.   Journal  des  Tribunaux.    Lausanne,  1886. 
Desjardins.    Bull.  Soc.  Gen.  des  prisons.     1888. 
Ferri.    L'anthropologie  criminelle  en  1885.    Revue  sciontif. 

9  Janv.,  1886. 
Ferri.    II  II.  congr.  intern,  d'ant.  crim.    Arch,  psich.  X. 

1889, 
Frigerio.    Resoconto  sul  Congresso  e  sul  Espos.  d'Antrop. 

Crim.    Alessandria,  1886. 
Gauckler.    Le  Congres  d'anthrop.  Crim.  a  Paris.    Revue 

Critique  de  Legisl.    1880. 
Impallomeni.    La  nuova  scuola  penale  al  II.  congr.  intern. 

d'antr.  crim.    Ri vista  penale,  marzo-apr.,  1890. 


406  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Lacassagne.       Le     congres     d'anthropologie    criminelle. 

Archives  d'anthr.  crim.  mars  et  mai,  1886. 
Laurent.    Le  congres  d'anthrop.    Rev.  de   l'hypnotisme, 

Sept.,  1889. 
Lombroso.     Polemica    in    difesa    della    scuola    positiva. 

Bologna,  1886. 
Mac  Donald,  Arthur.    Third  Session  of  the   International 

Congress    for    Criminal    Anthropology    at    Brussels 

Aug.,   1892,  in  "Summary"  Oct.  9,   1892.     Elmira, 

N.  Y. 
Montegazza  e  Lombroso.    Polemica  sul  congresso  di  antro- 

pologia  criminale.    Rivista  Penale,  Marzo,  1886. 
Morote.    El  primer   congresso    international    de    anthro- 

pologia  criminal.    Rev.  Gen.  de  Legislation  Madrid, 

Marzo,  1886. 
Motet.     L'Exposit.    d'anthrop.  crim.  a  Rome.    Archives 

d'anthrop.  crim.  15  Jan  v.,  1886. 
Motet  et  Roussel.    Rapport  sur  le  congres  d'anthr.  crim. 

Bull.  Soc.  Gen.  des  Prisons,  1886. 
Napodano.    Esposizione  carceraria  ed  Esposiz.  antropologi- 

ca.    Riv.  Penale.    Febbr.,  1886. 
Perez,  Oliva.    El  Congresso  antropologico.     Rev.  de  los 

tribunales.    Abril,  1886. 
Pugliese.    Sul  Congresso  di  antropologia  criminale.    Riv. 

di  giurispr.     1886. 
Renzis  (De).    L'Esponzione  ed  il  Congresso  penitenziario 

ed  antropologico.     Nuova  Antologia  die.     1885. 
Resume'  des  Actes  du  Congres  d'antr.  crim.    Journal  of  the 

Statistical  Society.    London,  Sept.,  1887. 
Severi.    La  prima  Esposizione  inter,  di  antrop.  crim.  in 

Roma,  nello  Sperimentale.    Firenze,  1885. 
Sighele.    Benedikt  e  Tarde  a  proposito  dell  II.  Congresso 

d'antr.  crim.    Archivis  giuridico.   1890. 
Taladriz.    L'antrop.  crim.  in  Europa  y  America,    Vallado- 

lid,  1889. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY    OF   CRIME.  407 

Tarde.    Les  actes  du  Congr6s  de  Rome.    Archives  d'an- 

thr.  crim.    Janv.,  1888. 
Tarde.    Le  II.  Congr.  intern,  d'  a.  c.    Revue  scientif.    30 

avr.,  1889. 
Troisteme  Congre's    d'Anthropologie    criminelles    tenu    a 
Bruxelles  en  1892.    Rapports.    Bruxelles  1892;  includ- 
ing the  following  authors  and  titles,  to  wit : 
Alimena,  B.    Des  mesures  applicables  aux  incorrigibles 

et  de  l'autorit6  apte  a  en  fixer  le  choix. 
Benedikt,  Moritz.    Apercu  des  applications  de  l'anthro- 

pologie  criminelle. 
Benedikt,  Moritz.    Les  suggestions  criminelles  et  la  re- 

sponsabilite  p6nale. 
Berillon.    Les  suggestions  criminelles  et  la  responsabilit6 

p6nale. 
Boeck  (de),  et  Otet  P.    Les  prisons-asiles  et  les  r£formes 

p6nales  qu'  elles  entrainent. 
Coutagne,  H.    De  l'influence  des  professions  sur  la  crimi- 

nalite.  id.  (rapport). 
Dallemagne,  Jules.    Etiologie  fonctionelle  du  crime. 
Drill,  Dimitri.    Des  principes  fondamentaux  de  l'ecole 

d'anthropologie  criminelle, 
Gauckler,  M.  E.    De  l'importance  respective  des  616- 

ments  sociaux  et  des  elements  anthropologiques  dans 

la  determination  de  la  penality. 
Gamier,    P.     De  la   ndcessite    de  considerer  l'examen 

psycho-moral    de    certains    preVenus    011     accuses 

comme  un  devoir  de  l'instruction. 
Hamel  (van),  G.  A.    Des  mesures  applicables  aux  incor- 
rigibles et  de  l'autorite-  apte  a  en  fixer  le  choix. 
Huz6,  E.  et  Warnots,  L60.    Existe-t-il  un  type  de  crim- 

inel  anatomiquement  determine'  ? 
Jelgersma.  M.  G.    Les  caracteres  physiques  intellectuels 

et  moraux  reconnus  chez  le  criminel-ne'  sont  d'origine 

pathologique  (rapport). 


408  CRIMINOLOGY. 

Ladame.    L'obsession  du  meurtre. 

Liszt  (von),  Franz.    Apergu  des  applications  de'  1'anthro- 

pologie  criminelle. 
Magnan.    L'obession  criminelle  morbide. 
Manouvrier,  M.  L.    Questions  prealables  dans  l'etude 

comparative  des  criminels  et  des  honngtes  gens. 
Maus,  I.    Des  mesures  applicables  aux  incorrigibles  et 

des  autorit6s  aptes  a  en  fixer  le  choix. 
Rode  (de),  L6on.    L'inversion  genitale  et  la  legislation. 
Ryckere  (de).    Le  signalament  anthropom&rique. 
Tarde.    Les  crimes  des  foules. 

Thiry,   Ferdnand.    Des  mesures  applicables  aux  incor- 
rigibles et  de  l'autorite-  apte  a  en  fixer  le  choix  (rap- 
port). 
Poisin,  A.    Suggestions  criminelles  au    delictueuses   et 
responsibility  p£nale  (rapport). 
Zerboglio.    Per  il  congr.  d'antr.  crim.    Gazz.  letter.  Torino, 

1889. 
Zerboglio.      Deuxieme    congr.    d'anthr.    crim.      Archives 

anthr.  cr.  Sept.,  1889. 
Zerboglio.    Actes  du  deux  congres  intern,  d'anthrop.  crim. 
Lyon,  1890. 


INDEX. 


Abortion,  24 

Abyssinians,  28 

Alcohol,  21;  wine  and  gambling,  88;  effects  on  savages,  97 

Alcoholism,  89;  relation  to  theft,  156 

Amadei,  73 

America,  5,  176 

Animals,  influence  of  weather  on,  theft  of,  20;  meanness 

of,  22;  tendency  to  kill,  180,  198 
Anouchine,  52 

Antecedents  of  thief,  case  "  C,"  219 
Arabs,  28 
Ardouin  (d')(  50 

Assassins,  25,  47,  49,  57,  82-83,  101-102,  160-162 
Associations,  of  criminals,  1 19-128;  bad,  243 
Astros  (d*),  68 
Asymmetry,  54 
Atavism,  46 
Aubry,  5,  129 
Autobiography,  of  murderer  "A,"  177-186:  of  case  of 

meanness  "  E,"  264-265 
Auvergnat,  ix 


Benedikt,  5,  59,  60 
Bernheim,  5,  141,  143,  144,  147 
Bertillon,  42 


410  INDEX, 

Bibliography,  English  works  and  literature,  275-331; 
Congresses  of  the  National  Prison  Association  of  the 
United  States,  287-303;  periodical  and  press  literature, 
304-331;  French,  332-342;  German,  343-353;  Italian, 
354-368;  Spanish,  369;  other  languages,  370-371;  crani- 
°l°gy»  372-375;  criminal  statistics,  376-390;  cerebrology, 
391-393;  psycho-criminal  pathology,  394-400;  patho- 
logical anatomy,  401;  anthropometry,  402-403;  physi- 
ognomy, 404;  congresses  of  criminology,  405-408. 

Biliakow,  37 

BischoS,  37 

Bom,  37 

Bono,  71 

Bordier,  47,  50 

Brain,  reciprocal  influence  of,  on  cranium,  61 

Broca  ix,  48 

Brouardel,  139,  140 

Buchner,  21 

Byron,  118 

Caligula,  32,  41 

Camorra,  46,  1 21-125 

Cannibalism,  19,  24-26 

Castello,  65 

Cellular  system,  in  different  countries,  158-159 

Cerebral  anomalies,  58-61 

Chambige,  145-146 

Charcot,  137 

Children,  anger  of,  27-28,  31 ;  lying,  31,  32 ;  criminal  tend- 
ency, 30;  anomalies,  35;  education,  37;  false  tes- 
timony, 141 ;  propensities  corrected,  176 

Clark,  72 

Clequet,  56 

Complaints,  188,  205-210,  257-260 

Conclusions,  60-61 ;  murder,  202-203;  theft,  218,  250,  256; 
meanness,  266,  271;  general,  271-272 


INDEX.  411 

Contagion,  129-135 ;  by  vitriol  or  revolver,  132-134 

Corre,  5,  37,  47,  50,  52,  55,  56,  57,  62,  70,  72,  76,  77 

Cranial  anomalies,  53-56 

Cranial  capacity,  46 

Craniology,  46-56,  202,  210,  217,  229,  263-264,  270 

Cranks.  131 

Cretins,  40,  57 

Crime,  evolution  of,  17-35;  equivalents  of,  18;  philological 

evidence  of,  23;   view  of  savage,  26-29;   genius,  103; 

education,  104;  youthful,  in  France,  159;  cure  of, 

172;  foolishness  of,  272;  prevention  and  treatment 

of,  272-272*- 
Criminals,  health  and  weight  of,  38;    hair  and  eye  and 

asymmetry,  42  ;  physical  side,  168 
Cruelty,  86-88,  198-199 

Dallemagne,  50 

Death,  behavior  at,  163;  welcome  to  "  A,"  200 

Demme,  105 

Details,  value  of,  171 

Drunkenness,  108,  178 

Dumas,  118 

Education,  effect  on  children,  37 ;  professions,  55, 104-105; 
in  pure  murder case,i87-i88, 191;  moral,  200-201;  thief, 
205,  225;  behavior  in  school,  211;  in  public  schools, 
215;  lying  at  school,  240;  as  a  preventive  of  crime, 
272-272*- 

Evils  of  bad  home,  197  ;  of  roving,  236 

Examination  of  "  A,"  197 

Ferri,  6,  37,  47,  50,  161,  162 
Ferrus,  62 
Flesch,  62,  67,  69 
Forgery,  41,228 
Foscolo,  118 

Gambling,  123,  143 


412  INDEX. 

Gambetta,  58 

Giacomini.  58 

Gilles  de  la  Tourette,  vii,  137 

Giraud,  137 

Goethe,  viii 

Gratiolet,  viii 

Ha  my,  49 

Heger,  49,  50 

Heredity,  56,  174 

Hieroglyphics,  signatures,  109-113 

History  of  cases,  186,  205,  251 

Hoger,  67 

Holder  (von),  5,  44-  67,  156,  157 

Homicide,  57;  monomania  for,  132 

Huschke,  60 

Hypnotism,  136-154;  precautions,  141-142 ;  experimen- 
tal, 137-138;  auto-hypnosis,  1 51-152;  simulated,  145 
-146;  case  of  romance,  152-154 

Incorrigibility,  22,  74 

Infanticide,  19,  24,  132 

Insanity,  relation  to  crime,      -91,  131;  transitory,  149; 

persecution,  habitual,  155  ;  criminals,  156,  157 
Insensibility,  effects  of,  77-80 
Instability,  81 

Intelligence,  96-118,  195,  235 
Intemperance,  205,  246,  247 
Interviews  with  criminals,  215-216,  233-250,  263 

Justice,  rudimentary,  28  ;  impure  origin  of,  33;  duty  of 
magistrate,  141 ;  false,  253 

Kleptomania,  21 
Knecht,  69 
Krafft-Ebing  (von),  5,  151 


INDEX.  413 

Lacassagne,  1 9,  37,  56,  57 

Lacenaire  (celebrated  criminal),  97,  116,  129, 162 

Laurent,  5,  150 

Lauvcrgne,  47,  62 

Lepine,  72 

Liebeault,  37 

Liegeois,  140,  141 

Linker,  72 

Literature  of  criminals,  1 1 3-1 18 

Lombroso,  5,  19,  20,  37,  40,  41,  43,  44,  46,  47,  50,  52,  53. 

58,  59,  69,  70,  72,  73,  75,  79,  91,  92,  105,  ill,  112,  114, 

118,  126,  163 
Lynch-law,  34 

Maffia,  127-128;  assassins' behavior  toward  one  another, 

126 
Magistrates,  duty  of,  142 
Magnan,  ix,  2 
Manouvrier,  ix,  47,  50 
Mantegazza,  39 
Marro,  41,  42,  70 
Meanness,  22,  169,  257-271 
Measurements,  of  children,  35 
Mendel,  67 

Method,  need  of  exact,  172,  169-173 
Mobility,  anomalies  of,  72 ;  blushing,  73 
Moral  pulse-beats  of  prisoner,  171 
Mortality,  63 
Murder,  18  ;  homicidal  fury,  20 ;  ordained  by  religion,  24; 

regarded  little,  28;    instinct  of,  in  war,  34-35,  41,  79; 

lust-murder,  86-87,    146,  147;    from    vengeance,  85: 

from  imitation,  129-132,  169;  pure  case  "  A,"  174-203; 

threat,  251 ;  provocation,  175 

Negroes,  49,  52,  60,  76 
Nero,  41 


4<4  INDEX. 

Ogle,  72 

Orchanski,  49,  50 
Orgeas,  66 

Pare  tit- Duchatelet,  4$ 

Pasini,  73 

Pathology,  61 

Pathological  anatomy,  67-69 

Pederasty,  41,  45,  69,  90 

Perez,  31 

Physiognomy,  38-44 

Physical  examinations  of  criminals,  "  A "  201  ;"B"  216- 
217 ;  "  C  "  230-231 ;  "  E  "  264 ;  "  F  "  270-271 

Pierquin,  20 

Poisoning,  1 34-1 35 

Prison  associations,  United  States  proceedings  of,  287-303 

Prison,  bad  influence  of,  116-117 

Prison  discipline,  155,  255;  too  comfortable,  114;  crim- 
inal's idea  of,  237-238 

Property,  sense  of,  22,  26,  30 

Prostitution,  45,  65,  66,  90,  96;  reformation  rare,  158; 
regard  for  offspring,  164;  in  relation  to  cases:  "C" 
235;"E,'*262 

Punishment,  22;  confused  idea  of,  29;  criminals' infliction 
of,  on  criminals,  120,  122;  by  death  penalty,  123;  cer- 
tainty of,  124;  severity  of,  156;  conduct  at  scaffold,  163; 
case  "  B,"  214,  215,  216 

Publication  of  crimes,  272 

Pure  murder  defined,  174 

Pure  theft  defined,  204 ;  in  case  "  C,"  219 

Quatrefage,  49 
Ranke,  47 
Recidivists,  44 

Recidivation  of  women,  156;  relation  to  civilization,  157; 
to  moral  sense,  159;  case  of  "  D,"  256. 


INDEX.  415 

Reformation,  129;  rare,  155 
Religion,  27,  214,  262 
Rindfleisch,  68 
Rousse,  20 
Riidinger,  60 

Saint-Hilaire,  viii,  ix 

Sal  lust,  105 

Saltmann,  59 

Savages,  inertia  of,  27 

Seneca,  105 

Sensibility,  general  and  meteoric,  70;  sight,  hearing,  71 ; 

vulnerability,  91-92 ;  hardened,  132 
Sentiments,  81 ;  vanity,  82,  83 
Sensuality  in  murder,  86-87 
Settembrini,  77 

Signatures  of  insane,  112;  of  criminals,  in— 113 
Simulation,  hypnotic,  139 
Skeleton,  57 
Slang,  105-109 
Sociology,  scientific,  173 
Somnambulism,  137 
Sphygmography,  73 ;  cases  of,  73-76 
Strabo,  24 

Study  of  criminal,  172 
Sue,  118 

Suicide,  191-192;  among  soldiers,  93 
Swindling,  21,  41,  74,  101 

Tacitus,  72 

Tardieu,  65 

Tattooing,  44-45,  70;  religious,  94 

Tenchini,  5,  60 

Testimony  as  to  cases,"  A,"  190;  varying  opinions  of, 

"  B,"  210,  215 ;  "C,"  231 ;  "  D,"25i ;  "  £,"261-263;  "  V 

268 


41 6  INDEX. 

Theft,  20;  of  chiefs,  29;  thieves,  41,  74, 76;  difference  in 
thieves,  100;  treatment  of  one  another,  126;  alcoholics, 
156;  argument  of  thieves,  164, 165, 169;  in  murder  case, 
188-189;  nature  of,  205,  211,  218;  in  case  "C,"  231; 
case  "  D,"  252-253 

Tiberius,  41,  72 

Thompson,  161 

Tonninni,  73 

Topinard,  viii,  58 

Tropman  (brutal  criminal),  131 

Troyski,  37 

Type,  vii-x,  ethnic,  Semitic,  40;  physiognomical,  43; 
relation  to  face  and  cranium,  44 

Vanity,  cases  of,  84-85 ;  at  executions,  93,  119 

Vengeance,  cases  of,  85-86 ;  songs  of,  115, 127,  234 

Victor  Hugo,  118 

Violation,  136,  139,  141 

Violators,  57 ;  feeble  reflexes  of,  76 

Virgilio,  72 

Vulnerability,  91-92 

Weisbach,  47 

Witkowski,  67 

Wine  and  gambling,  88-89 

Woman,  accomplices  in  crime,  121;  recidivation  of,  156 

Zola,  no 


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